[Yoweri Museveni]

Flight Captain Mike Mukula first ventured into mainstream politics in 2001 when he was elected the Member of Parliament (M.P) for Soroti Municipality in Teso region. Immediately after, Museveni appointed him Minister of State for Health. He came to the limelight when he became the patron of the Arrow Group – a local initiative of vigilantes from Teso region who helped the army to defeat the LRA incursion in that region in 2003. The group was mainly comprised of mainly former rebels of the Uganda People’s Army (UPA) that had abandoned rebellion and joined rebellion in 1991.

Intelligence reports reaching Museveni at the time indicated that Mike Mukula was nursing ambitions of vying for the presidency. In May 2006 Museveni dropped him from his cabinet and the following month the commission of inquiry into mismanagement of Global Fund to fight Malaria, TB and AIDS released its report with among other recommendations that the culprits (Mukula inclusive) should be prosecuted. The theft of 1.6b shillings had also involved the then Minister of Health, Gen. Jim Muhwesi, State Minister Dr. Alex Kamugisha, and Alice Kaboyo, who doubled as museveni’s in-law and Private Secretary. As Mukula’s presidential ambitions became more open, a year later Museveni decided to act on the report of the commission of inquiry. A combined force comprising of police, Military Police, and regular soldiers arrested Mike Mukula and dragged him straight to court that remanded him to Ruzira Prison on charges of abuse of office. Later on Gen. Muhwezi, Dr. Kamugisha and Alice Kaboyo were also arrested, charged and remanded and they were all granted bail by the High Court. Following a series of petitions in both the Constitutional Court and the Supreme Court, criminal proceedings were halted.

During this period Mukula went ahead with his presidential ambitions. He expressed dissatisfaction with the Museveni regime in a secret meeting with top officials of the USA Embassy. During the meeting he told the diplomats that Museveni’s popularity was dwindling within his party and that he was grooming his son as his successor. He went ahead to advise that he should not impose his son on the party and the country before warning that such a move would have a backlash. He went ahead to disclose that he was advocating for the restoration of presidential term limits and that NRM’s support in Buganda was dwindling.

In March 2012 the four accused big shots withdrew their appeal. The trial resumed in June 2012 before the Anti-corruption Court. Immediately upon resumption of the trial, on 12th June 2012 Alice Kaboyo changed her mind and decided to plead guilty for theft of 250m shillings. She was convicted and sentenced to two years imprisonment with an alternative of 20m shillings fine. She paid the 20m fine and was let off the hook. On 18th March 2013, court concluded the trial by acquitting Gen. Muhweezi and Dr. Kamugisha of any wrong doing but found Mike Mukula guilty as charged. He was sentenced to a mandatory four years imprisonment for theft of 261m shillings and made to refund it after it was discovered that out of the 263m shillings he had given the 54 million to the First Lady under unclear circumstances. Mike Mukula cried foul alleging that his conviction was politically motivated and that he was a victim of selective prosecution.

As had always been the practice, a high powered delegation from Teso region comprised of Bishops, M.Ps, elders, cultural leaders and others met Museveni and appealed to him to set free Mike Mukula. Museveni told them that he couldnt twist the law to grant freedom to the jailed Mukula. However, he promised to pay for his legal fees and indeed 100m of the tax payer’s money was given to Mike Mukula for his legal fees. During the same meeting, Museveni went ahead to lecture members of the delegation over Mukula’s luxurious lifestyle. He said “……..knowing the dangers of people who love who love soft life, the NRM made it a philosophy and enshrined it in its constitution, the distaste for people who love luxury as they often ignore people’s affairs.” At the time, Mukula owned six planes and a chain of business enterprises. Two months later, in March 2016 the High Court quashed Mukula’s conviction and he was set free from prison.

After realizing that his presidential ambitions were a matter of life and death, in May 2015 Mukula announced his retirement from politics. In an extensive interview with The Monitor, he indirectly attacked Museveni’s continued hold on power thus “…..it is always right to come out of politics when you are still popular, not to be chased by the people.” He bitterly and courageously confirmed the views over the Museveni regime that he had shared with the diplomats at the USA Embassy in 2001. He went ahead to declare that he had dropped his presidential ambitions thus “…….we agreed that we have one presidential aspirant that we would like to support as the NRM flag bearer and that is President Museveni”. In a turn of events, Mukula went ahead to retain the NRA Vice Chairmanship for Eastern region.

In November 2015, Mike Mukula offered his helicopter for Museveni’s election campaigns. During the early days of the elections campaigns in the eastern region, the helicopter would fly at all the Museveni rallies. By mid December 2015, Museveni’s campaign team and security detail were uncomfortable with Mukula’s dominance at the campaign rallies. His helicopter was was branded a security threat to the president. By mid January 2016, Mukula and his helicopter were totally absent from Museveni’s campaign rallies. When violence broke out in the Rwenzori region immediately after the elections, Mike Mukula self assigned himself as the mediator between the protagonists – Bakonjo and Bamba cultural leaders. He put himself in the line of fire when he contradicted the regime by publicly stating that the violence in the Rwenzori was not ethnically motivated. He was later accused of falsely claiming that he was sent by Museveni to organise national inter-religious prayers for the violence in the Rwenzori yet the regime was selling the ethnic version of events. It was later reported that Museveni had ejected Mukula from poking his nose into the Rwenzori affairs. During the regime’s Central Executive Committee meeting at State House, Museveni branded Mukula a conman for masiqurading as his envoy in the Rwenzori region violence. He reportedly advised Mukula that the Rwenzori violence was a security matter before advising him to leave it to the security people.

[Yoweri Museveni]

Majority of Ugandans abroad were born and bred in Uganda, both their parents were born and bred in Uganda, both their paternal and maternal grandparents were born and bred in Uganda. So, how the hell do they not become Ugandans the moment they acquire dual citizenship, and are,therefore, required to pay huge amounts of money to become Ugandans again. Its really laughable, to say the least, and more laughable that organisations such as UNAA, are the ones organising the issuing of dual citizenship certificates. Actually,the $450 charged for dual citizenship is relic of a ‘money-making’ scheme than anything else.I am suspicious of what appears to be a widespread desire to milk money out of Ugandans abroad, and its disgusting. So disgusting!

Nobody likes being segregated,because that’s how it feels like for Ugandans with dual citizenship, basing on the ignorance of some legislators. Yes, its pure ignorance because the dual citizenship law as it is, smells of ignorance of those who passed it.We should stop labelling Ugandans abroad in any way. Issuing them certificates is totally ridiculous. Born in Ireland, the (English) Duke of Wellington never liked to be called an Irishman. His rebuttal — “When somebody was born in a stable, that does not make him a horse.”

Secondly, passports are documents in the name of a head of state asking that their subjects be granted protection in a country outside their jurisdiction.They have been around since the 19th and 20th century. So, I find it odd that again Ugandans abroad are charged different passport fees(renewal and lost passports) in comparison to those at home.This is the segregation and the money making scheme i’m talking about, and it should stop. There should be standard fees for all passports!

[Yoweri Museveni]

On February 1st 1974 President Iddi Amin issued a decree outlawing wearing of wigs. He argued that it makes “our women look un-African and artificial”. On the same day, women were banned from wearing trousers. On June 5th 1974 he issued another decree outlawing wearing of miniskirts that are more than three inches above the knee line. Iddi Amin (pictured being greeted Princes Elizabeth Bagaya who is donning a pair of shots, has been severally criticized for banning miniskirts during his so called dictatorial reign.

In April 2013, the President Yoweri Museveni government tabled a bill that sought to outlaw indecent dressing and in particular, miniskirts, as one of the behaviors deemed pornographic. The Minister of Ethics, Fr. Lokodo argued that the bill targeted “irresponsible” women wearing clothes above the knee in public because they are “hurting the moral fibre of Uganda.”

Last week the Ministry of Public Service issued a directive on the dress code for Public servants. Females are required not to wear tight clothes, skirts and dresses that are above the knees while men are to avoid tight trousers. The government argues that public officers were dressing indecently during the execution of their duties. The circular that carried the directive threatened stern disciplinary action for noncompliance.

All African dictators resort to such trivial draconian administrative measures to divert the attention of their citizens from their failures, repression and dictatorship. Going by the dress code circular, Museveni and his wife (pictured above in tight trousers at a campaign rally in 1980 and in mini-dress in 1979 respectively) can be said to be the patrons of the so called indecent dressing in Uganda. Six years later in 1986, they took over leadership of the country and have occupied State House for 31 years now.

To what extent did their indecent dressing background help in making them oppressive? Anyway, there is no cause for worry as Museveni will very soon do the usual needful, undoing the Public Service directive in order to get cheap popularity.

The country, under Museveni’s tyrany can’t talk about indecent dressing when in March 2015 elderly women (pictured above) in Amuru stripped naked in public while protesting against land grabbing by the regime. They blocked the road that was being used by the notorious and treacherous former Internal Affairs Minister, Gen. Aronda and Lands Minister, Saudi Migereko. The curse from that incident still haunts the regime.

[Yoweri Museveni]

Ponsiano Lwakataka is a reknown motor rally driver who in 2011 lifted Africa’s most prestigious championship, the Pearl of Africa Uganda Rally. His wife and brother are also rally drivers. Before taking up motor rallying, Ponsiano had been a fish monger and has continued to deal in fish export trade from Uganda to Congo and Tanzania.

On 18th January 2013 in Kyebe Rakai District, unknown assailants attacked the home of Pastor Mugambe killing him together with eight of his family members. The police as usual swung into action arresting and detaining and releasing different local residents as suspects.

In February 2013, the Police chief instead deployed 200 extra policemen in Rakai to help investigate the murder and fired six police officers from service over negligence. It even failed to establish the motive of this heinous crime. It instead made a blanket statement to the effect that Pastor Mugambe had been involved in questionable deals with one of the serial killers.

This particular murder opened the floodgates of a series of murders that rocked the region months later. By June 2013 a total of 35 people had been killed in Masaka, Lwengo, Rakai and Sembabule and 25 of these were in Rakai alone. Locals and leaders demanded for the resignation of some officers for failure to stop the murders. They demanded that the police chief should visit the area to explain the killings. During the commissioning of a newly built police station at Kalegero in Lwengo, the Police Chief disclosed that the Pastor Mugambe murder case was ‘complicated’ but added that the police had good leads.

In March 2013 at Kyanti village, Kyebe Sub-county in Rakai district, Ponsiano Lwakataka is alleged to have resisted arrest by the police which wanted to impound his suspected immature fish consignment. In March 2014 Lwakataka was alleged to have assaulted a police officer, Mikidadi Kabiito attached to Sanje Police post in Rakai when he attempted to impound his trucks that were allegedly carrying immature fish from Kasensero. The police opened up charges of inciting members of the public to beat up the said police officer.

In July 2014 Ponsiano Lwakataka was involved in a scuffle with the army and Fisheries Officers in Kasese as his trucks carrying immature fish were being impounded. After a brief shoot out, he managed to escape. He was arrested from Kampala and transferred to Kasese where he was charged with assault and trading in immature fish and remanded at Mobuku Prison. He reappeared at the court and was granted bail by court but the Police Flying Squad re-arrested him and took him to Rakai to face charges of assaulting a police officer and inciting violence and remanded by the Grade One Magistrate of Kalisizo.

In August 2014 when he reappeared in courts and was granted bail, he was rearrested and slammed with fresh charges of the January 2013 murder of Pastor Mugambe. He was remanded in Masaka prison. Together with his co-accused, they were remanded by the Magistrates’ Court.

In September 2014 Lwakataka was committed to the High Court for trial in the murder of Pastor Mugambe and was remanded to prison where he spent one year and four months. It was alleged that he had hired some people to kill Pastor Mugambe. One of his co-accused, Asuman Muddu pleaded guilty to killing Pastor Mugambe and eight of his family members. He had made an extra judicial statement at the police that together with his colleagues, Zzinda and a Tanzanian, Fangesi had been hired by Lwakataka to carry out the murder. He further revealed that they had been promised 30 million shillings but Lwakataka only paid them two million and refused to pay the balance. Muddu was convicted and sentenced to life imprisonment on 9th July 2015.

During the trial of Lwakataka in August 2015, the state produced the convicted, Asuman Muddu to pin Lwakataka. However, Muddu made a U-turn and instead informed court that he had been coached by the police to falsely implicate Lwakataka. He narrated that while in detention at Nkoma police cell in Lwengo district on charges of attempted house breaking, he was approached by a police officer who promised him a lot of benefits in return. During the same trial, The O.C CIID of Kalisizo, Twaha Ssemanda without substantiating, told court that Lwakataka and Pastor Mugambe had been involved in a 500M shilling cocaine deal but had disagreed on sharing the proceeds.

In December 2015, the High Court in Masaka acquitted Ponsiano Lwakataka and his co-accused, Emma Zzinda of murder charges. The state neither attempted to rearrest them as is usually the case nor to lodge an appeal. In November 2016 Lwakataka sued government for malicious prosecution and sought for a 40B shilling compensation. Two weeks later, the family of the slain Pastor Mugambe petitioned the DPP and the Chef Justice challenging the acquittal of Lwakataka and accused the police of ‘obstructing’ investigations.

In January 2016, the last accused, Vincent Fegansi informed court that in August 2013 he had been convicted for illegal entry and sentenced to one year imprisonment or a fine of 300,000 shillings. That he attempted to sell his Black Berry phone so as to raise the fine. In February 2016, the High Court in Masaka acquitted the Tanzanian, Vincent Fegansi.

In January 2017, URA attempted to intercept a Fuso lorry carrying Lwakataka’s fish in Mbarara. His driver abandoned the truck and escaped and URA officers hired a driver to drive it away but Lwakataka appeared from nowhere and allegedly drew his pistol on the truck driver before he took to the wheels.

After a long chase, in which the Police deflated his truck tires, he was arrested and taken to Kabwohe, Sheema District. The DPC is alleged to have released him on Police Bond. Later on, the IGP blamed the police for releasing him before ordering for the rearrest of the DPC, SP Mubangizi and Lwakataka. Shortly after, the IGP announced the revocation of Lwakataka’s gun license and set free SP Mubangizi. Lwakataka faced charges of threatening violence.

In March 2017, his wife and brother were arrested after being found in possession of immature fish. When Lwakataka had gone to pick his wife and brother from court in Masaka town after they had been granted bail, he was brutally arrested by soldiers and whisked to the Masaka police station. At the time, the army at the Mechanised Brigade in Masaka had impounded two truck loads of immature fish which they suspected belonged to Lwakataka.

On 19th March 2017 while speaking at the Virgil of slain police commander, Andrew Kawesi, Museveni told mourners how the police was protecting criminals. He went ahead to give the example of Ponsiano Lwakataka whom he described as a killer who had killed people in Rakai but that the police deliberately compromised evidence in his favour. He went ahead to say that the criminals killing people in Uganda were coming from Congo. He declared thus; “we shall kill or capture them if they don’t want to die they should surrender.” Ponsiano Lwakataka has mustered the Congo route, established contacts and a chain of fish stores inside Congo.

Last week, the army’s Fisheries Protection Unit (FPU) in Kasese under the command of Capt. Isaac Ewaga shot at a Toyota Noah car deflating its tyres and a single bullet in the stomach instantly killed Ponsiano Lwakataka’s driver, Aklam Musajja. The deceases father of two who left an expecting widow was buried in Kabwohe, Sheena. The Toyota Noah heading for the border town of Mpondwe was carrying boxes of fish. The fish boxes were marked with names of different owners from Kalangala district.

Using the list of names found on boxes, the head of the FPU, Maj. James Nuwagaba led an operation in Bufumbira Sub County, Kalangala district to arrest the suspects. Having failed to register the cooperation of the local council leaders, he went ahead to set ablaze the makeshift structures, boats and property of all fishermen in the area. The operation extended to nine other landing sites. Ponsiano Lwakataka is on the run and the army believes he is hiding in Kasese area.

Ponsiano Lwakataka grew up in Kyotera and in the 1980s and 1990s he was actively involved in cross border legal and illegal trade mostly in fish. Basing on the experience he had gained in defensive driving through being chased by law enforcement agencies during smuggling escapades, in 1999 he ventured into motor rallying. He made great success in this industry but did not abandon dealing in fish.

The regional fish trade is mostly between Kalangala district and Congo. The trade route passes through nine districts from Kalangala to the border with Congo. All these districts are manned by different law enforcement agencies who get bribed by the fish dealers. District Fisheries Officers are bribed to a tune of 500,000 shillings for the clearance of a single truck and supplying of information pertaining to law enforcement deployments.

In some cases, the route is characterised by violent confrontations between law enforcement agencies and the dealers. Many traders in Masaka, Rakai and Kalangala deal in fish trade to Congo but Lwakataka has outwitted them because of his extra ordinary bravery, shrewdness and daring in the face of danger. Also, while other fish traders take the fish from fish mongers and pay them after selling in Congo, Lwakataka would first pay the fish mongers half of the buying price and top up the balance upon return from Congo.

There is rivalry among the top fish traders and very senior army officers are reportedly backing different rival groups. When soldiers arrested Lwakataka from court premises in Masaka in March 2017, it was the two conflicting army groups at play. It was show of force between the pro Lwakataka military group from Kampala and the Masaka Mechanised Regiment based group.

Lwakataka has also distinguished himself as a leading Route Manager. A Route Manager is a big fish dealer who transports fish to the market in Congo for a number of small fish traders. With a cost of 1,700 shillings per kg of fish transported, a shrewd Route Manager like Lwakataka can pocket about 100M shillings per month. Such money is enough to fight off any disruptions on the route by bribing army and police officers and to buy influence among top security managers.

Route Managers have connections with top security officers as godfathers. Lwakataka has made a name as a Route Manager who never fails to deliver fish to the market across the border. Among the other Route Managers from Kalangala to Congo is Robert Asiimwe, Hajji Abdul Numba (not clear if he is Numba the Chairman of Banyarwanda in Masaka) and Fulfensio Kavuma (formerly of ISO).

For Museveni, whose survival during the time he was fighting the UPC government in the early 1980s depended on cross border smugglers and masters of the lake, Ponsiano Lwakataka is a potential threat if any wise Ugandan opted to tap into his bravery and experience. More so, the geographical routes (Lake Victoria and Congo) he has mastered are a source of concern to Museveni’s security estimates.

Above all, Ponsiano Lwakataka has never paid allegiance to the regime like all other celebrities and successful business people but he has instead remained independent. What is equally worrying is Lwakataka’s extra bravery and courage to physically bully security officers. In Museveni’s own words; “…. he is putting his finger in the anus of a leopard” and will have to pay a heavy price sooner than later.

[Yoweri Museveni]

In order to improve his international profile, attract donor funding, cover up for his dictatorship, attract forex, blackmail the west and to prepare ground for destabilizing the region, Museveni is running a scheme to host millions of refugees from the neighboring countries of South Sudan, DRCongo, Rwanda, Burundi, Somalia, Ethiopia and Eritrea. Save for Ethiopia and Eritrea, in all the rest of the countries Museveni is responsible for causing the flight of refugees. Unfortunately, the international community has chosen to keep a blind eye on this. His scheme is succeeding as he recently hosted a high-powered refugee summit to raise funds that attracted even the UN Secretary General.

However, his fake reputation as a provider of ‘safe haven’ for refugees is being unmasked by his own inner circle cadre army Generals. The Minister of Security, Gen. Tumukunde and the Inspector General of Police, Gen. Kalekyezi are involved in a low intensity power struggle. Their bickering has helped bring out a number of behind the scenes rot in the police force to the public domain. Those Ugandans who feel that Gen. Kalekyezi is a liability to the country, have opted to go to the court of public opinion after satisfying themselves that Museveni is fully behind the police chief. That way they don’t aim at pressurising Museveni because he can’t be pressurised but are instead trying to expose the rot. The most recent revelation relating to kidnapping of refugees is damaging Museveni’s ‘refugees’ safe haven scheme.

Around late last week, it became public that a one Ali Kabanda, former member of the notorious police killer squads had run to Museveni seeking both legal and physical protection from Gen. Kalekyezi who is allegedly plotting to kill him for his withdrawal from state sanctioned kidnapping of Rwandese refugees. He went ahead to disclosed how he was officially in a police squad that would hunt down, kidnap and forcefully return Rwandese refugees to Rwanda “to be killed.” He went ahead to reveal that the kidnap syndicate was a well organised network stretching to Uganda’s borders with Tanzania and Kenya from where abducted refugees are safely transited to Rwanda through Uganda.

He further revealed that Rwandese security agents headed by the 1st Secretary at Rwanda Embassy in Kampala, a one Ismail Baguma are actively enjoying state protection in the kidnappings. The whistleblower who wrote to Museveni on 12th May 2017 gave him a two weeks’ ultimatum to act or else he (Kabanda) was to flee into exile. It is over a month now and it is most likely that Museveni was not impressed, was unmoved and ignored the appeal thus the option to go public. However, what is clear is that the information about kidnapping of refugees is 100% accurate but as the source admits he has been meeting Gen. Tumukunde thus the motive for going public can be inferred.

Kidnapping of Rwandese refugees in Uganda is not news. In July 2010 1,700 Rwandese refugees were violently and forcefully returned to Rwanda from Nakivale and Kyaka refugee camps. During the violent and brutal round, up two refugees died and 25 others were seriously injured. In December 2011, a Rwandese Journalist and refugee in Uganda, Charles Ingabire was shot dead in Kampala. Around the same time another refugee, Pascal Manirakiza was kidnapped. Col. Kankiriho and Lt. Col Geoffrey Buryo of CMI were implicated in the kidnap and forced return of Rwandese refugees.

http://edge.ug/…/kayihura-wants-to-kill-me-to-cover-his-ev…/

 
In August 2013 attempts by the police to kidnap and forcefully return a one Joel Mutabazi to Rwanda was foiled at the last minute as he was about to be bundled in a Kigali bound plane at Entebbe airport. Around the same time two other refugees, Emmanuel Kaliisa and Pascal Manirakiza went missing in Uganda.

Three months later the same Joel Mutabazi who had earlier been Kagame’s close bodyguard, was kidnapped by the Deputy CIID chief, AIP Joel Aguma and handed over to Rwanda. Shortly before the incident, in order to ease the kidnap, the police withdrew all the VIPPU personnel who had been providing him security under the UNHCR. The Kampala regime as usual pretended to shed crocodile tears by issuing statements condemning the incident and ‘suspending’ Joel Aguma but nothing was done to this day. Museveni’s son, Gen. Muhoozi was also implicated in the kidnap of Rwandese but the SFC came out to vehemently deny this.

Early this year there were reports that Uganda was harboring Rwandese dissidents. We reacted by publishing an article titled; UNDERSTANDING THE ALLEGED MUSEVENI/KAGAME FRESH FALL OUT. We argued that with Gen. Kalekyezi at the helm of the police and intelligence, Rwanda has a leeway to neutralize such plans in Uganda. Kidnap is a capital offence in the criminal law books of Uganda. Under international law, kidnap and forcefully returning a refugee is a crime against humanity. In 2013 Col. Fenekasi Mugyenyi kidnapped a Congolese refugee, Col. Eric from Kampala and was only rescued at the Uganda/DRC border in Arua as he was being ferried to DRC. Col. Mugyenyi was charged with misconduct instead of kidnap before the Court Martial and later set free marking the end of the story.

https://changeofguards.blogspot.ca/…/analysing-alleged-kaga…

 
For the whistleblower, Ali Kabanda, thanks for the job well done in exposing the rot. However, he shouldn’t expect any protection from Museveni because he approves whatever Gen. Kalekyezi does. Instead, Kabanda should expect the worst to happen to him for being ‘undisciplined’.

In 2001 the then Director of Records, Maj. Sabiiti Mutengesa was persecuted into exile in the UK for unearthing the creation of ghost soldiers by top army Generals.

In 2005 Sgt Gitta Musoke appealed in vain for Museveni’s protection over persecution for the reports he had made over ghost soldiers in the Congo military expedition in 2003.

In April 2014, the then DPC Nansana, AIP Kirumira Muhammad was framed and arrested after he revealed that the rampant armed robberies in Kampala were being masterminded by the big shots in the Police including Directors.

The former Deputy Army Chief, Gen. Charles Angina was axed after he persistently embarked on sanctioning probes in billions of shillings lost in fake ministry of defence contracts. The 2015 76b shillings construction scandal was conclusively investigated but instead Museveni axes Angina and assigned Engineer Badru Kigundu to carry out a fresh probe and that was the end of the story.

In June 2016, ASP Steven Mugarura submitted to Museveni a damming report of how top police bosses including Directors were behind a wave of robberies in the country. Instead, Mugarura is undergoing untold persecution.

In March 2017 Museveni simply acknowledged that the police were infiltrated by criminals and pleaded with Gen. Kalekyezi to clean it up. Shortly after, he renewed his contract.

During the ongoing land probe, it was discovered that a certain Kenyan, Ambrose Murunga Wekesa, formerly with Kenya Police, had been using the police in Nakaseke district to violently evict 100 Ugandan families from the 255 acres of Mailo Land he had acquired. Murunga had been hired by Gen. Kalekyezi as his Technical Advisor and was visibly active during the brutal suppression of Opposition protests in Kampala. Other than Uganda, where else can a foreigner grab land, assault and detain citizens???

For all those who still doubt that Gen. Kalekyezi serves Rwanda’s interests, over to you.

[Yoweri Museveni]

When Museveni lost in the February 2016 elections, he resorted to a military takeover but remained worried about legitimacy. Luck fell when Mbabazi who had been allotted 130,000 votes and came third after Besigye’s 3.5M and Museveni’s 5.6M, opted to go to court. The court ruling in favour of Museveni has since then become his only source of legitimacy.

He is now faced with another hurdle of the constitutional age limit of 75 years. At the next polls in 2021, he will be beyond 75 years hence he has to amend the Constitution to either scrap the age limit or extend it to one hundred and seventy-five.

In August 2016 Museveni used the Nakifuma M.P, Kafeero Ssekitoleko to table a private members bill seeking to amend the Constitution to scrap the age limit. The move was rejected by the House which ruled that government should line up and present all the articles to be amended in one shot. The big question is why bring up the issue of age limit now when we still have three and a half years to 2021 when the next general elections are to be held?

The simple answer is that by Ugandans debating Museveni’s age limit now, it helps overshadow his illegitimacy that arose from the February 2016 military takeover. It creates an impression that he is accepted as the legitimate president of Uganda and that the only impediment to his presidency is the age limit.

The Speaker of Parliament tasked the Attorney General to clarify on the matter and he made it clear that the regime has no such plans. If the Speaker had been serious she should have asked the Minister of Justice, Gen. Otafiire who had broken the news. Earlier on during the burial of Ssebana Kizito, Otafiire disclosed that the matter would be dissolved by Parliament. Alternatively, the Speaker should have asked M.P Abriga who is being fronted by the regime to recklessly market the move. Most intriguing is the fact that even the three regime youths who were arrested by the regime police at Makerere University as they protested against the Age Limit bill could have been stage-managed.

Their leader, Rutaro is the same person who led the move to block Gen. Kalekyezi from being prosecuted over gross human rights violations at Makindye court. In Mbarara, the university students who carried a coffin bearing Museveni’s portrait with words “REST IN PEACE MUSEVENI” were brutally arrested by the police and are held incommunicado as the police chief pitches camp in Mbarara. The chest thumping by some pro change Ugandans following the AG’s statement was uncalled for because nothing has been achieved. At the right time, Museveni, will constitutionally remove the Age Limit in the same way he did with the Term Limit.

Therefore, Ugandans shouldn’t be diverted into being preoccupied by the Age Limit debate instead of consistently focussing on the unfinished business of the February 2016 military take over. Moreover, lifting of age limit is not such a big deal for Museveni. He does not derive his powers from the Constitution but from the barrel of the gun.

[Yoweri Museveni]

Uganda is a country of 38M people plus 1.5M refugees. Uganda has 80% of its population living in rural areas and thriving on subsistence farming. According to Museveni, it is this “overcrowding” in subsistence farming that is responsible for environmental degradation. While addressing the Nile Basin Summit in Kampala on 22nd June 2017, he submitted that “too many people in agriculture put a lot of pressure on the forests, the mountain ranges, the river banks and what is erroneously called wetlands.”

During the same occasion, he further argued that; “…the 400M acres of arable land that Uganda has does not need all these millions of people to produce efficiently.” He has repeatedly observed that “in the USA it is only 2% of the population that is in agriculture.”

Earlier on during the ‘State of the Cattle Address’, he observed that the youth should not be condemned to the countryside but should be facilitated to stay in the city. He made a case for industrialization as a way of easing the burden on land thus; “Agriculture would therefore retain fewer people that would farm scientifically and produce higher yields of food and raw materials.”

https://changeofguards.blogspot.ca/…/video-understanding-mu…

 
From the above viewpoint, we can authoritatively argue that Museveni is bent on seeing a big number of Ugandans losing their land in the countryside and migrate to urban centres. This explains the state-orchestrated massive land grabbing that is going on in the whole country. The scheme has been going on for decades and has been taking the form of deliberately making land valueless to the ordinary people.

Museveni had to kill the production of the traditional cash crops like cotton and coffee. He went ahead to kill the cooperative movement, the Cooperative Bank and the Uganda Commercial Bank. He depleted cattle from some regions. The mismanagement of Uganda Railways and its eventual closure disadvantaged the production capacity of many people in the countryside. That way land became of less value and when state orchestrated land grabbing swung into action, the victims were caught in a vulnerable situation.

Therefore, even his so called multi billion so called poverty alleviation programs have failed to make any positive economic impact simply because doing so would put value on the land hence would not be easily relinquished by the victims. The ongoing military led Operation Wealth Creation is nothing but a wastage of public resources as it contradicts his agenda of rural-urban immigration.

The 1975 Land Reform Decree overhauled the traditional land tenure system by declaring all land as public land. The 1995 Constitution re-invested all land back to the citizens in several land tenure systems. During the inauguration of the 1995 Constitution, Museveni made it categorically clear that he had been unhappy with the provisions on land. He was opposed to private ownership of land in favour of government ownership of all land.

Museveni has always been obsessed with Buganda’s land. Since that time, he set out on a number of carefully calculated schemes to deprive private land owners of their land. The Land Act Cap 227 of 1998 provided for the Uganda Land Commission (ULC) as a body charged with management of all public land, the District Land Board, the Parish Land Committee, the District Land Tribunals, and Land Tribunals for Sub-counties and gazetted urban areas. This Land Act has already been subjected to three amendments to suit Museveni’s designs.

The first time was in 2010 when it extended the jurisdiction of Magistrates and LC courts to continue handling land disputes until the land Tribunals would be put in place. In 2004 when security of family land was guaranteed and in 2010 security of the so called bonafide occupants was enhanced. The 2010 amendment in particular had proven to be very controversial. It had been initiated in 2007 under the Land Act (Amendment) Bill 2007 which Museveni had to stay after the country and more especially Buganda region almost caught fire.

http://www.newvision.co.ug/…/1232207/mps-debate-land-amendm…

 
Buganda Kingdom had countered his manoeuvres by launching a campaign to sensitize her people over land dubbed Central Civic Education Committee headed by Betty Namboze. The regime brutally reacted by arresting top Buganda kingdom officials including Betty Namboze before closing down the CBS radio station in 2008. The regime then went ahead to incite Bibanja Holders against landlords where by in Bugerere a landlord was attacked and burnt alive.

In 2003 Museveni set up a Land Task Force headed by Capt. Gertrude Njuba at the State House Directorate of Land Matters to help the so called Bibanja Holders (bonafide occupants). Most intriguing was that the officers under that department reported to different offices i.e. to the Permanent Secretary in the President’s Office, to the State House Controller, and to the Principal Private Secretary to the President.

Another Land Protection Squad under Maj. Jacob Asiimwe was also put in place to ‘protect people under the threat of eviction’. The Police also set up a Land Protection Unit. When Museveni signed the Land Amendment Bill into law in February 2010, many so called bonafide occupants of land jubilated in the hope that they were now having protection from illegal evictions. However, a year later reports indicated that it was the police, State House, Ministry of Lands, the so-called investors, and other top government officials who were at the forefront of land grabbing.

The land grabbers carried letters on State House letter heads bearing the signature of Museveni, the First Lady and were being escorted by the RDC Wakiso, Dan Kaguta and the police. The 1998 Land Act S.41 (i) had provided for a Land Fund. The Minister was supposed to ensure its establishment within one year. However, in 2011 the Auditor General’s report observed that 11 years since the Land Act had come into force, the Land Fund had not been operationalized.

In May 2012, the government through the Ministry of Internal Affairs threatened to deregister OXFAM, Uganda Land Alliance, and a group of sixty local and international NGOs working on land reforms over accusations that they had harmed the name of the President of Uganda. In their October 2011 report, these NGOs indicated that over 20,000 people in Mubende and Kiboga had been brutally evicted from their land to give way for a forest plantation by an investor, NFC.

On 7th February 2013 cabinet approved the National Land Policy after Museveni had personally chaired all the six cabinet meetings that discussed the same. The policy goal was to “ensure efficient, equitable utilisation and sustainable utilization of land based resources for poverty reduction, wealth creation and overall social and economic development. Most intriguing is a section in the land policy that involves refugees thus; “…. cross border population movements are frequent as a result of conflict, ecological and environmental stress or interactive accommodation among cross border communities sharing common heritage and culture.

A significant proportion of these populations sometimes end up being classified as either refugees or internally displaced persons. Government will negotiate protocols for the reciprocal treatment and settlement of mass cross border movements.” As of now, Uganda is hosting over 1.2M registered refugees let alone the tens of thousands of others who fall in the category of the so called cross border population movements.

In May 2013 Museveni froze the Land Unit under State House that had been headed by Capt. Gertrude Njuba. Instead he put in place a Land Committee to protect the rights of peasants from evictions. It was headed by the then Minister of State for Lands, Iddah Nantaba and consisted of among others UPDF’s Capt. Mugarura and a one Katootyo of the Police Land Protection Unit. At the same time, he launched the Land Fund meant to help peasants buy land from landlords.

It was also to help government buy land from landlords for redistribution to bonafide occupants and resettlement of landless people. During the launch, Museveni had this to say; “…. if there are genuine capitalists, this is a good deal for them. If the peasants are paid good money, they will free up the land to genuine developers especially near towns and they will seek resettlement elsewhere.” This is a classic example of Museveni’s grand design to push Ugandans into urban centres as their land is taken over by his so-called capitalists. The Land Fund was operationalized and it has mostly benefited regime cohorts and ‘Museveni’s people’. In February 2017 State Minister for Lands, Namuganza was fighting with her boss, the Lands Minister, Amongi over control of the fund.

In February 2014, the IGG wrote to the Minister of Lands suggesting a government commission of inquiry into issues of alleged fraud in the land sector. She complained that many of her recommendations were being ignored by technocrats in the Lands Ministry. In April 2014 Museveni returned 217 Land Titles to Buganda Kingdom land with a strong caution for the Kingdom not to evict tenants settled on that land. In June 2015, elderly women of Amuru in northern Uganda protested by stripping naked against the regime’s ploy to steal their land.

In July 2015 then Lands State Minister, Nantaba disclosed that wealthy people including high ranking army officers involved in illegal land evictions across the country were plotting her downfall in the February 2016 polls because she had attempted to frustrate their land grabbing schemes. Indeed, during the NRM primaries, she almost lost her life and had to contest and win as an independent candidate.

https://changeofguards.blogspot.ca/…/its-buganda-and-not-ho…

 
Museveni dropped Nantaba from the Lands docket and in June 2016 while handing over office, she told her successor about a clique of mafia groups including top police officers and army generals who are determined to gobble up the entire land sector. She said; “…. some people including UPDF Generals would forcefully evict people and turn around to demand compensation from the Land Fund.” She went further to disclose that highly placed government officials including ‘men in uniform’ fraudulently acquire land tittles and evict the poor people from their land.

That they fraudulently acquire land in project affected areas in order to demand exaggerated compensation thus crippling government projects. Museveni tactically handed the Lands Ministry to a Langi, Betty Amongi from the Obote family in order to torment the Baganda whose land he was targeting.

In July 2016 during the regime retreat in Kyankwanzi, it was resolved that the Land Act be amended to allow the government to start projects on private land while negotiations with the owners for compensation are ongoing. Consequently, in August 2016 the Minister of Lands announced plans to amend Article 26 clause 3 of the constitution in order to provide for government taking over private land without compensation.

She went ahead to announce that there would be suspension of issuance of Land Tittles on public land for three months and creation of a committee that would address the rampant land evictions and creation of a government land registry by having all its land surveyed and demarcated. Further, that her ministry would examine the effectiveness of the law, processes of land acquisition, land administration land management and land registration. Obviously, Museveni intended to use the Commission’s findings to nationalize all land issues.

The entire country rose up in arms to condemn the planned move. Dr. Besigye in particular wrote a long missive calling upon Ugandans to resist land take over by government. The most vulnerable, Buganda Kingdom, embarked on registering all its tenants. The regime got concerned and using a one Male Mabirizi, the Kabaka was dragged to court to challenge his ownership of land.

https://changeofguards.blogspot.ca/…/kabaka-sued-another-mu…

 
The regime had intended to rely on the 1965 Land Acquisition Act whereby government could compulsorily acquire land for public good after fully compensating the owners except in the event of disasters and emergencies. However, the matter had been settled in October 2015 when the Supreme Court had upheld the ruling of the Constitutional Court in Ashman Irumba Vs Age and UNRA that S.7(1) of the said Act was unconstitutional and in contravention of Article 26 of the 1995 Constitution. Court added that moreover planned government projects do not fall under the exception of disaster and emergencies.

The said Irumba had had his land taken possession of without compensation during the upgrading of the Hoima-KaisoTonya road. The regime panicked and in December 2016 Museveni announced the appointment of a Land Probe Commission headed by Catherine Bamugemerire. As a way of buying time, it was sworn in on February 19th 2017 and it was not until May 3rd that it started its work. According to the terms of reference No. 4, the Commission is supposed to investigate, inquire and solicit views on the role of traditional, cultural and religious institutions who own large tracts of land with occupants in a bid to enhance better landlord/Tennant relationship. It is supposed to submit an interim report to the President within three months from the date of its first hearing and to finish its work within six months.

Earlier on, Buganda Kingdom through its Land Board had launched a scheme to save the vulnerable Bibanja Holders on its vast land by granting them leases of 49 years dubbed “Kyapa Mungalo” (Land Tittle in your hands). That way, Buganda Kingdom intended to increase the value of land occupied by these Bibanja Holders so that they may not easily be lured into selling to the ‘regime capitalists’.

The regime vehemently opposed the idea and embarked on an underground campaign of undermining and misinformation. In May 2017 during the inauguration of the Land Probe Commission, the Lands Minister, Amongi questioned the mass land Titling by Buganda Kingdom. She asked the Commission to focus on the Buganda Land Board mass Titling campaign. The regime’s skepticism was uncalled for because a resolution to offer lease to all interested Tennant’s on the kingdom land had been passed in 1994 and about 20,000 leases had already been issued out.

In late June 2017, the Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Lands convened a meeting of governments departments, Ministries, and agencies directly involved in the implementation of major infrastructure projects to brainstorm on how to popularize the impending Amendment of Article 26 of the Constitution. Those in attendance were the PS Ministry of Energy, the ED KCCA, UIA, UNRA, SGR, and Rural Electrification Agency. Under the proposed amendment, the government would take possession of private land and proceed to use it whether or not the owner is satisfied with the compensation offered.

The amendment goes ahead to suggest that the value of compensation would be that as determined by the Chief Government Valuer and that it would be deposited in court or any other competent authority the market value of the said property pending determination by court or any other competent authority.

Around mid May 2017, leading opposition leader, Dr. Besigye launched a campaign dubbed “My Land, My Life” meant to raise awareness to the masses on the plans by the regime to take their land. His inaugural public address in Isingiro was foiled when the police blocked and arrested him. He rightly predicted that Museveni would set up a purposeless committee but would still go ahead to acquire the land by manipulating the constitution.

Since the Land Probe Committee commenced its public hearings on May 8th 2017, it received an overwhelming turn up by members of the public lodging complaints. As it progressed, it became clear that the usual suspects; the presidency, the police, the army and other top regime cohorts were increasingly getting publicly exposed. No wonder, on 7th July 2017 the Commission announced that it was “taking a technical break” due to lack of funds and promised to resume if and when the funds would be availed.

The police last week announced that it was suspending the operations of Court Bailiffs and other stakeholders from clearing warrants/orders related to land/property until new guidelines are communicated. Court Bailifs are quasi officers of court and are also regulated by court. For the police to suspend their activities, it is daylight undermining of the independence of the judiciary.

Museveni is determined to dispossess Ugandans of their only left wealth and pride, land. Under the guise of nationalising land, he is to have a small section of ‘his people’ owning all the land as Ugandans are hoarded in urban centres with their remains buried in public cemeteries (Rimbo) under urban authorities. That way future generations will not be able to trace their roots. That will be the final phase of his systematic destruction of Uganda and Ugandans. His highly treacherous scheme can only be foiled by having him kicked out of power now and not tomorrow.

[Yoweri Museveni]

Uganda’s military dictator is at it again trying to further entrench his autocratic reign by once again sodomizing the constitution. In 1995 he bribed members of Parliament to remove term limits to allow him to continue to rule. He is now facing another constitutional hurdle that bars him to run for the presidency beyond seventy-five years. He is also itching to amend the constitution to enable his regime to grab private land without compensation.

His top cohorts have repeatedly issued contradictory statements over the impending age limit amendment. The Attorney General told parliament that there is no such a bill in the offing. The Speaker barred MPs from discussing the “age limit bill that has not been tabled before Parliament”. The cadre Police chief has decreed that the ” age limit debate is strictly in parliament but not in schools or villages”. It is supposed to be debated in parliament and should be among M.Ps.” The police have gone ahead to brutally arrest and detain different sections of the public over these impending monstrous bills.

The regime has gone ahead to table the equally explosive Land Act (Amendment) Bill. The Presidential Age Limit Bill may be passively supported by regime cohorts and majority ignorant regime supporters just for the sake of maintaining the status quo. However, that Land Act amendment for compulsory acquisition of private land affects everyone across the board regardless of political affiliation.

The land bill is more controversial than the Age Limit Bill. The top regime cohorts have been exploiting the poverty, fear and ignorance of the masses in grabbing their land. Buganda Kingdom has reactivated its land rights awareness campaign this time round dubbed Kyapa Mungalo. The scheme aims at empowering its subjects with value for land so that they don’t easily dispose of it off to grabbers. In the Northern region, regime land grabbing is already being violently resisted and so is in Eastern Uganda.

The deceptive Museveni Land Probe Commission has clearly made public what was already known that land grabbing is spearheaded by top regime cohorts with full backing of the regime. No wonder, its activities have been halted under the guise of lack of funds and it won’t be surprising if it does not resume. The regime may even accuse it of ‘incitement’ of violence or being accessory to defamation of the President.

Since the conclusion of the February 2016 rigged polls that gave rise to a military take over by Museveni, the regime has placed a ban on opposition political activities. It has brutally and arrogantly suppressed all attempts by the opposition to link with the masses. The regime has curtailed public meetings and assemblies, imposed draconian restrictions of access and use of radio, TV, print and social media. The regime fears an Arab Spring, Burkina Faso, or Ivory Coast kind of situation.

That way, the regime hopes to keep the population in fear and ignorance. Some sections of the Ugandan society have innocently suggested that the controversial constitutional amendment bills should be subjected to a referendum. They forget that the regime has all the machinery to rig and influence the outcome. However, the regime can not dare subject such controversial constitutional amendment bills to a referendum because it fears the exercise would involve different stakeholders to directly interact with the population.

The spillover effects of the referendum exercise may not be easily reversed. It would provide a platform for the opposition to directly link with the population hence enlightening them about their rights to the disadvantages from the regime. Therefore, the only option available to the regime, is to as usual use the legislators to pass the bills. Nevertheless, the elected legislators are also mindful of loosing out on the electorates because of the unpopularity of the two bills.

The only way out is for Museveni to guarantee the legislators security of tenure by also amending the constitution to extend their term of office from five years to 50 so that they will not have to go back to renew their mandate with their community and their voters.

Alternatively, the only way out is to kick the regime out of power. Otherwise, the bills will be passed and there is nothing anyone can do. That will mark the end of Uganda and Ugandans. Regime stays or regime goes.

[Yoweri Museveni]

Between the 16th and 19th Centuries, there existed the state of Mpororo which stretched to parts of the present day Ankole, Kigezi and Rwanda. Its ruling family has close ties with the ruling families of the Tutsi in the ancient kingdom of Rwanda. The collapse of the State of Mpororo gave rise to the Kingdom of Ankole which incorporated some of Mpororo territories.

In the pre-colonial Kingdom of Rwanda, Tutsi occupied a higher strata in the social system while the Hutu occupied a lower strata. The Kingdom was ruled by a Tutsi monarchy and the Tutsi were cattle keepers while the Hutu were cultivators. A Hutu could be assimilated into Tutsi if he accumulated wealth in terms of cattle in a process called Kwihutura and a poor Tutsi could be regarded as a Hutu. By comparison, the Tutsi are the equivalent of Hima in Ankole or Balangira in Buganda while the Hutu are the equivalent of Bairu in Ankole and Bakopi in Buganda.

During the Partition of Africa by colonialists, some Banyarwanda were left out of the original Rwanda empire. Those who remained under the Belgium Congo in areas of Mulenge Hills came to be known as Banyamulenge and those in areas of Rushuru and Misisi came to be known as Banyarushuru and Banyamisisi respectively. Those near the Bufumbira ranges came to be known as Bafumbira when the present-day Kisoro was added to Uganda in 1918. In the early 1920s some Banyarwanda, mainly Hutu and a few Tutsi, escaped Belgian colonial repression and Tutsi enforced labour and fled to Uganda. These were mainly petty Tutsi cattle herders and majority Hutu agriculturalists. The estimated 120,000 migrants settled mainly in the South Western region of Buganda and some parts of Ankole and Kigezi as farm labourers. The 1921 census report identified Banyarwanda as a tribe in Uganda after Kisoro had been added on Uganda in 1918.

In 1926 the Belgian colonialists in Rwanda made some reforms in labour laws where by, subjects were allowed to seek employment abroad. Many Banyarwanda, more especially Hutu who were under the yoke of forcefully working for Tutsi under the Ubuhake arrangement left Rwanda for Tanzania, Uganda, and Congo. The exodus of Banyarwanda continued through the 1930s and 1940s but this time as economic immigrants. They were coming in search of economic survival by way of casual labour and settled in Buganda, Ankole, Busoga, Kigezi, Tooro, and Bunyoro. They worked on fields of agriculture, construction, local government, industries, ginning, cattle herding, forestry, fishing, Kilembe Copper Mines, sugar and cotton plantations in Busoga etc.

Hutus assimilated in Buganda while Tutsi assimilated in Ankole through intermarriage with Hima. They took on local names and clans, spoke the local languages, intermarried and acquired land as tenants (Bakopi). Together with their Burundian cousins, they were actively involved in the Baganda led Bataka Movement that was agitating for land rights. It was a coalition of indigenous Baganda peasants, tenants and labourers (Abapakasi) seeking land rights. In the 1940s, almost 35% of migrants in Buganda were from Burundi and Rwanda.

From the foregoing, it can be authoritatively argued that up to the late 1950s Banyarwanda in Uganda were of two categories. First were the indigenous Banyarwanda who had been made part of Uganda by colonial boundaries demarcations like in the case of those from Kisiro who chose to call themselves Bafumbira. Then there were the migrants who came to look for economic opportunities and mostly settled in Buganda and Ankole.

Between 1952 and 1959, the Belgian colonialists began putting in place political reforms in preparation for relinquishing their hold on Rwanda. The Tutsi formed a Union Nationale Du Rwanda (UNAR) as a pro monarchy movement. The Hutu had earlier formed the Party for the Emancipation of Hutu (PARMHUTU). The reforms by Belgians challenged the status quo of the Tutsi establishment/monarchy. In early November 1959, Tutsi UNAR youth wingers attacked a prominent Hutu Sub Chief, Mbonyiumutwa, but he managed to escape. However, rumours spread that he had been killed. Consequently, Hutu resorted to reprisal attacks against the Tutsi. The violence marked the start of an uprising that has been branded a Hutu Peasant Revolution. It marked the beginning of the end of Tutsi domination and opened a new chapter of Hutu/Tutsi ethnic tensions.

Hundreds of Tutsi were killed, property was destroyed and thousands fled to Congo and Uganda. The Belgians worked with the Tutsi monarchy to take control of the late ugly 1959 situation. Prior to the arrival of Banyarwanda refugees in late 1959, earlier during the same year government conducted a census that revealed that Banyarwanda in Uganda were the sixth largest ethnic group after Baganda, Iteso, Banyankole, Basoga, and Bakiga. This earlier Banyarwanda migrants’ arrival provided a local texture into which the new arrivals, refugees could merge. The demand for labour and the physical appearance had helped intermarriage but the tag of foreigners endured thus they were a prey to political machinations.

In October 2009 during the AU summit on refugees in Kampala, Museveni argued that; ” why don’t we think of refugees outside camps because land will not always be there”.

Earlier before 2009, the Belgians in Rwanda had notified their British counterparts in Uganda about a planned exodus of Tutsi from Rwanda to Uganda. The British colonialists passed Legal Notice No. 311 of 1959 declaring any such people unwelcome and illegal in Uganda. The Governor, Sir Charles Hartwell addressed the LEGCO (Parliament) thus “…there was no political persecution in Rwanda. The Tutsi who are fleeing Rwanda were either misinformed about the situation in Rwanda or were political criminals.” Members of the LEGCO from the areas where the fleeing Tutsi were settling, Ankole and Kigezi, the likes of Hon. Bikangaga, Hon Katiiti and Hon Babiiha supported the protectorate government. However, the LEGCO members from the north and eastern regions like Hon. Milton Obote, Hon. Obwangor, and Hon. Nadiope vehemently opposed the protectorate government.

On 29th February 1960, Dr. Milton Obote moved a motion on the floor of LEGCO calling for the revocation of Tutsi Immigration Rule, thus; “…. the rule of terror was so bad that the people of Rwanda wanted to seek safety somewhere. A number of them wanted to be refugees in Uganda. But I wish the house to know that they did not come as ordinary immigrants. They were running away from acts of violence which were the order of the day in the country. Indeed, these people are kinsmen of the people of Ankole of Uganda and the only thing that anyone of them could do was to go to his fellow brother to seek for his safety. I am pleading for the whole of the Batutsi tribe who came to Uganda to seek for safety. I am pleading for the case of a people who are now being ruled by another race. I am pleading for the principle of offering asylum to those who need it.” Those against, argued that “…….it was impossible to accommodate such a big number of illegal immigrants with their cattle anywhere in the country, especially since western Uganda was already overstocked, overgrazed, lacked water, and the cattle the Tutsi brought with them were diseased and would spread disease in the country.” The motion was defeated.

In 1961 the UN supervised elections in Rwanda were won by the Hutu party, PARPEHUTU. Violent ethnic clashes ensued and more refugees fled to Uganda, Tanzania, Congo and Burundi. Around that time, the British in Uganda were also grappling with political violence and instability in some parts of Buganda, Bukedi, Bugisu, and Tooro. However, Refugee Reception Centres were set up at Kamweezi in Kigezi and Kizinga in Rwampara. Some refugees dodged these reception centres by simply going straight to their relatives who had arrived much earlier and settled in Ankole and Kigezi. In 1960 the Uganda government put in place a law, Control of Alien Refugee Act 1960 which prevented these refugees from accessing citizenship by naturalisation. S.18 stipulated that; “No period spent in Uganda as a refugee shall be deemed to be a qualification for being a resident of Uganda.”

In Rwanda, the Tutsi King, Kigeri was deposed and he fled to Uganda where he was a guest of the Kabaka of Buganda, Muteesa who at that time was the President of Uganda. In July 1961 Tutsi refugees in Uganda under the umbrella organisation, INYENZI attacked Rwanda but were repulsed. They attacked again in May 1962 and were repulsed again. The Uganda government warned the refugees against using Uganda as a base to attack Rwanda. In all the attacks, the Tutsi inside Rwanda were left vulnerable to reprisal attacks and hence more were fleeing. In 1962 the government set up the first refugee camps at Nakivaale in Ankole. The deposed Rwanda King’s loyalists, ABADAHEMUKA linked with the Kabaka’s party, KY (Kabaka Yeka) at a time when there was friction between Buganda and the central government over lost counties.

In March 1963, Prime Minister, Milton Obote warned refugees against incursions into Rwanda thus; “If hospitality is abused, we have no alternative but to withdraw the protection we granted to these people.” In late 1963, the then Minister of Community Development, Kalule Ssetalla told Parliament that thousands of Tutsi refugees had been continuing to pour into Uganda with tens of thousands of their heads of cattle. During the same year, government set up Oruchinga and Ibuga refugee camps in Ankole and Kasese, respectively. The following year, in 1964, four more camps were set up at Kahunge, Rwamwanja and Kyaka in Tooro and Kyangwali in Bunyoro.

With the fall out between the central government and Buganda Kingdom, the UPC government under Prime Minister Obote expelled the Tutsi King Kigeri who relocated to Kenya. The pressure had also come from Hutu refugees for the government to prevail over Tutsi invasion of Rwanda. The law of refugees was also amended to prohibit anyone from keeping refugees without permission from government. Refugees were also required to stay in designated refugee settlements. The Director of Refugees was also given powers to deport any refugee who violated the law and those who did not meet the asylum criteria.

In setting up the camps, the government had anticipated that the refugees would stay for a short time and return to Rwanda. Between 1960 and 1964, half of an estimated 120,000 Tutsi who fled Rwanda came to Uganda. Some 40,000 went to Burundi, 60,000 went to Congo, 35,000 came to Uganda and 15,000 went to Tanzania. By 1967 about 300,000 Tutsi and a few Hutu elites had fled Rwanda. In 1968 Oxfam International appealed to the International community for a special fund to help in the repatriation of Banyarwanda refugees.

The refugees did not show any interest of repatriating and the government got convinced that they were bent on remaining in Uganda. The then Information Minister, Adoko Nekyon, told the OAU summit in Lagos, “……Uganda has no alternative but to send these people away, unless Uganda receives help.” He added that the same refugees were selling off government assistance to buy arms and to raise money for King Kigeri’s upkeep in Kenya.

The hospitality and generosity by locals also ran out due to a number of factors. In Buganda, the peasants called on government to expel Banyarwanda whom they accused of taking their land. In Ankole, the rivalry was based on the ethnic connection between the low caste, Baitu/Hutu and the high caste Hima/Tutsi alliances. The predominantly Catholic DP (Democratic Party) alliance with the predominantly Catholic Banyarwanda refugees against the predominantly Protestant UPC was another factor. The UPC government banned Banyarwanda refugees from having ID cards and taking on government jobs. UPC also planned for a countrywide census of indigenous Banyarwanda but before it could be implemented, Iddi Amin overthrew the UPC government in 1971. The violent political crisis in Rwanda triggered a fresh exodus of Tutsi refugees from Rwanda. Between 500,000 – 600,000 Banyarwanda Tutsi refugees were spread throughout the Great Lakes region but not all of them were registered under the UNHCR. Uganda had only 82,000 registered refugees.

Iddi Amin invited, welcomed, and hosted King Kigeri from Kenya and settled him in Kampala. Banyarwanda refugees were allowed to join the public service, the security forces including the dreaded Public Safety Unit (PSU) and State Research Bureau (SRB) where a number of Banyarwanda was dominant. It is a fact that the Banyarwanda spies under the Iddi Amin regime helped in containing the activities of the anti-Iddi Amin dissidents and in particular the 1972 invasion from Tanzania.

Note: The forward base of the Tanzania based dissidents had been Kagera region which is another Banyarwanda stronghold. The Banyarwanda refugees in the security agencies terrorised and murdered perceived regime opponents. It’s during the Iddi Amin regime that a number of Banyarwanda refugees managed to get out of refugee settlements and acquire land, jobs and business enterprises.

In 1978, Iddi Amin blamed the Banyarwanda refugees for sabotaging government’s political and economic policies. He reverted to the 1971 order by deposed President Obote for all refugees to register with government and to be confined in settlement camps. As had been the case with Obote in 1971, even before Iddi Amin could implement this directive, he was overthrown in April 1979.

Meanwhile, Museveni who had been involved in anti-Amin campaigns had managed to recruit a Munyarwanda refugee, Fred Rwigyema in 1976 from Mbarara High School whom he took to Tanzania as part of his 28 man FRONASA that he claims to have got training in Mozambique. In 1978 when the Tanzanian troops crossed the Uganda/Tanzania border against Iddi Amin, Museveni recruited a number of Banyarwanda refugees from the refugee settlements of Nakivaale and Oruchinga. By the time the war against Iddi Amin ended, Museveni’s FRONASA had a sizeable number of Hima and Banyarwanda refugees.

During the process of reconstructing the new post Iddi Amin Uganda army, it was agreed that Banyarwanda refugees should be eliminated on account of their being non-citizens. Consequently, a number of Banyarwanda refugees including Fred Rwigyema were dropped. Paul Kagame survived because at that time he was attending a military intelligence course. But still a sizeable number of Banyarwanda refugees remained in the UNLA because it was difficult to accurately tell a Munyarwanda Tutsi from a Munyankole Hima. Museveni who was the Minister of Defence retained these rejected Banyarwanda refugee soldiers as his private army.

In 1980, Museveni contested for the presidency in the general elections by founding the Uganda Patriotic Movement (UPM). The main contestant, UPC, was warry of Banyarwanda refugees voting for the Catholic dominated DP. In Museveni’s newly found home, Nyabushozi, he was branded a ‘stranger and migrant’ and totally rejected in favor of Sam Kuteesa of DP.

Actually, some Banyankole including ethnic Bahima out rightly branded Museveni a Munyarwanda. After loosing the presidential bid in December 1980, Museveni took to the bush to start a guerrilla war in January 1981. He took with him the Banyarwanda refugee soldiers who had been eliminated from the national army. Museveni’s choice of Luwero triangle as his theatre of war was precipitated by the presence of large numbers of Tutsi Banyarwanda migrants and casual labourers in those vast savanna lands. They were always in land conflict with the Baganda landlords and ranch owners.

Banyarwanda refugee soldiers were among the squad that Museveni used to launch the first attack on Kabamba barracks in February 1981. They took part in the March 6th, 1981 ambush on government troops at Lawanda where over 70 soldiers lost their lives. They took part in the ambush and destruction of a civilian bus on Bombo road in which over 40 innocent civilians were killed. Refugee settlements and other Banyarwanda refugees settled outside the camps became NRA’s main source of recruitment, logistical supply and intelligence.

Note: In July 2016 Museveni visited the family of the late Gregory Karuretwa in Kigali, Rwanda. He described him as “a Bush War hero who had migrated to Uganda in the 1960s and settled in Sembabule as a refugee. He recruited combatants, provided food and finance.” Earlier, this gentleman had been invited to Uganda to be awarded the Nalubaale Medal (pictured). The late Fred Rwigyema’s mother is also staying at the Karuretwa family home.

It became an open secret that Banyarwanda refugees were closely associated with Museveni’s NRA rebels. The UPC members of parliament attempted to move a motion on the floor of parliament on expelling Banyarwanda refugees but it was defeated. Instead, a proposal was floated for refugees scattered in the countryside to move into refugee settlements.

The UNHRC representative in Uganda, Tom Inwin, vehemently protested against the government plans to push refugees into camps. This implied that it was not the UPC as a party that was against Banyarwanda but individual UPC stalwarts mostly from the Ankole sub region. In Ankole the hostility was mainly the outcome of decades of conflict over land, jobs, and social services between the host communities and the refugees. In Buganda, the former Banyarwanda casual labourers who had joined the NRA more often came back to haunt their former masters.

In October 1982, Mbarara District Administration issued a memorandum to government demanding for the eviction of Banyarwanda refugees over their role in the Iddi Amin regime atrocities, failing the 1972 invasion by dissidents from Tanzania, grabbing of land from nationals, voting for UPM in the 1980 elections, and links with the then Museveni’s rebel NRA. The government simply ignored this memorandum.

On 1st October 1982, teams of local UPC officials, Youth Wingers, Police Special Forces, with the blessing of top UPC stalwarts from Ankole like Chris Rwakasisi descended on Banyarwanda homesteads. On October 2nd, columns of Banyarwanda with their herds of cattle were streaming to the refugee camps while others were headed for the border with Rwanda. Roadblocks were erected on the way where refugees lost some of their properties. On the way, local people were stopped from helping the refugees with even drinking water. Those who fled to the camps continued to live in fear.

In Rwanda, the Hutu government responded humanely by providing a fleet of trucks that ferried the evictees into reception centres. The Rwanda government working with CARITAS and OXFAM provided food and temporary shelter. At the request of the UN Secretary General, the UNHCR coordinated emergency programs. The UNHCR in Rwanda appealed for aid and countries overwhelmingly responded. A US$ 400,000 fund was raised for emergency assistance for camps in Rwanda and relocation sites in Uganda. They set up two camps to accommodate an estimated 44,000 evictees who crosses into Rwanda.

Mahango Camp initially housed 13,000 refugees with their 50,000 heads of cattle. Kanyinya camp housed 30,000 agriculturalists. When the cattle started dying due to lack of sufficient pasture and water, the pastrolists left the camp and trekked the 70 kms journey through the Akagera National Park for ten days before settling at the southern end near Lake Nasho. During the trek, they lost one percent of their cattle to disease and lions. The cultivators at Kanyinya camp were moved to a tented camp at Kibondo. Interestingly, some of the Hutu who were sent back to Rwanda had so much integrated into the Ugandan society that they had even forgotten the Kinyarwanda language.

With a population of 5.5M at the time, Rwanda was the most densely populated country in the world. By November 1st it had been overwhelmed by the influx and it closed its border leaving thousands of refugees stuck around the border. This was after the Hutu government in Rwanda gathered intelligence that some members of the dissident Rwandese Alliance for National Unity (RANU) were senior officers in Museveni’s rebel NRA. It suspected systematic infiltration by armed Tutsi dissidents. A few refugees kept moving back and forth across the border at isolated points while coordinating the NRA recruitment drive.

The eviction had taken place when President Obote had been away visiting Italy for medical treatment. The Minister for Refugees Affairs, Hon. Rwanyarare was also away in Geneva attending a refugee conference. Upon return, President Obote issued a statement calling for a “return of law, order and constitutional rights that protected citizens, aliens and refugees alike”. He added that the matter was a local misunderstanding between refugees and indigenous inhabitants in Ankole. A five days later, a ministerial committee meeting was convened in Gabiro Rwanda from 22 – 27 October 1982. They agreed on a plan to resolve the crisis. President Obote appointed a team for a fact-finding tour of south western Uganda.

In Uganda, 35,000 displaced Banyarwanda remained in refugee settlements having joined those who had been living there since the 1960s. A sizeable number had succeeded in sneaking into Tanzania with thousands of their heads of cattle. There were 4,000 people stuck around Mirama Hill border encamped within several hundred yards of the border bridge. In March 1983, a follow-up meeting between Uganda and Rwanda was convened in Kabaale. A joint communiqué was issued committing the two countries to resolve the tragedy.

Uganda committed itself to provide additional land to relieve the overcrowded settlement camps. Indeed, another camp was set up at Nsungyerezi becoming the 8th settlement camp. However, around December 1983 about 19,000 Banyarwanda were forcefully evicted from Rakai district. In July 1984 Uganda and Tanzania signed an agreement to take back 10,000 Banyarwanda Tutsi.

Note: After Museveni took over power in 1986, former Minister Rwakasisi was charged with kidnap with intent to murder – related to Banyarwanda refugees, convicted and sentenced to death in June 1988. As the then Minister for Security, he had spearheaded the Banyarwanda eviction. During sentencing, he made a statement to the effect that he “was grateful that he was to die rather than live under the regime of Museveni.” He had set up a detention and torture chamber at Kamukuzi in Mbarara Municipality where victims were held before being transferred to Nile Mansions and Kireka in Kampala. Apart from Nile Mansions, the Museveni regime is also using the same facilities for the same purpose.

In February 1883 government troops launched a major offensive in the Luwero Triangle dubbed Operation Bonanza commanded by Col. John Ogole with the technical backing of the North Korea military team. Some 18 internally displaced people’s camps (IDP) housing about 20,000 locals mainly Baganda peasants were set up in different places in Luwero Triangle. Relief agencies swung into action around July 1983 to provide relief assistance. The NRA (National Resistance Army) had evacuated Banyarwanda residents to Ankole and other areas with able bodied males enlisting in the NRA ranks. You should note that the skulls on display in Luwero are of Baganda peasants and soldiers but hardly of Balaalo.

The NRA took custody and ate the Balaalo’s 21,000 heads of cattle with promises to compensate them after the war. In Ankole, the so called Balaalo from the Luwero Triangle intermingled with their ethnic Hima. They joined their colleagues in occupying the government ranches and parts of Lake Mburo National Park. In 1933 the area that later evolved into Lake Mburo National Park was declared a Controlled Hunting Area. In 1963 it was elevated to a Game Reserve. In 1983, it was made a national park and the illegal occupants (Balaalo) were evicted. The UPC government fell in 1985 at a time when the Balaalo led NRA rebels were controlling the western region. The Balaalo reoccupied the park after attacking and expelling the park staff, destroying infrastructure and killing wildlife. In 1957, the government ordered people to temporally vacate areas that had been infested by tsetse flies in Nyabushozi to allow spraying.

Towards independence, the USA and World Bank gave loans for the establishment of ranching schemes for beef and diary products. Government and private ranches were established in Nyabushozi, Buruuli, Kiboga, Masindi, Kabula and Sembabule. Over the years, Balaalo squatters encroached on these ranches. The children of these squatters on ranches and the national park joined Museveni’s NRA rebels in Luwero and were promised free land at the of the war. Immediately after taking over power in 1986, Museveni appointed a one Commander Kuteesa as the Commandant of the so called Luwero War Balalos in Nyabushozi. He advised those who had land in the Luwero Triangle to go back and promised free land to those who had none. Museveni used government money to buy cattle from Tanzania which he issued to these Balaalo.

In 1988 Museveni set up a Prof. Mugerwa inquiry into the question of ranches and encroachers but the regime ignored Prof. Mugerwa’s recommendations. In 1999, the regime inspired violence between the now armed squatters and the private ranchers erupted. Museveni set up the David Pulkol led Ranches Restructuring Board (RRB). The board had Balaalo soldiers like now Gen. John Mugume Chaga and Col. Eric Kamugunda. About 100 sq. kms of Lake Mburo National Park and huge chunks of ranges of land was illegally allocated to the Balaalo squatters. Col. Kamugunda is now one of the richest landlords in Masindi and Ngoma.

Note: According to Mzei Boniface Byanyima, since the 1960s Museveni was opposed to private ranches. Before Iddi Amin took over in 1971, Museveni had started campaigning for the position of Member of Parliament for North West Ankole on the UPC ticket. His agenda was to fight the ranching scheme and to unseat John Babiiha who had been the brain behind the wider diary development program through establishment of ranches.

During the bush war, Museveni practiced preferential treatment for the Banyarwanda fighters. Unlike the Baganda, Bahima and other tribes, the Banyarwanda fighters owed the total loyalty to Museveni. Externally, the Banyarwanda Tutsi political organisation, Rwandese Alliance for National Unit (RANU) banked on the Banyarwanda in the NRA for its future prospects of “liberating Rwanda.”

The actions of UPC functionaries against Banyarwanda refugees in Ankole had helped boost the rebel NRA ranks. By the time the NRA took over power in 1986, the Banyarwanda Tutsi in the NRA were about 3,000 out of the force of 14,000. Fred Rwigyema was the defacto Army Commander before he became the Deputy Minister of Defence. Paul Kagame was the defacto head of Military Intelligence while a number of senior Banyarwanda army officers occupied key positions in security circles.

Banyarwanda in the NRA were dominant in strategic departments like intelligence, finance, supplies and logistics, and Presidential Protection. Mindful of the resentment that Ugandans would develop towards Rwandese, Museveni put in place an Anti sectarianism law that penalised anyone who would dare point a finger at the privileged positions and preferential treatment that was being accorded to the Banyarwanda.

Museveni also changed the old colonial law that provided for proof of ancestry rather than birth or residence for citizenship of Uganda. One had to show that at least one of his or her grandparents had been born in what became Uganda prior to the 20th Century. He instead decreed that all one needed was to prove five years of residency in Uganda. Pressure from Ugandans more especially those in the military who saw the law as a first step towards entrenchment of Banyarwanda forced him to reverse the law. The Banyarwanda saw the reversal as a big blow and a month later in October 1990, a sizeable number of Banyarwanda in the NRA invaded Rwanda.

As the NRA set to expand its numerical strength, the number of Banyarwanda Tutsi in the army also increased. The refugee camps became bases for Banyarwanda refugee soldiers. When the Banyarwanda soldiers in the NRA decided to invade Rwanda in October 1990, Museveni chose to give them all the assistance they needed so that they should never come back because Ugandans were tired of their preferential treatment.

The RPF advance into Rwanda was also backed by about tens of thousands of Banyarwanda Tutsi (both refugees and non-refugees) in Uganda, Tanzania, Burundi and Congo. In Uganda, the chief financiers of the RPF were the likes of Mzei Donant Kananura who is still a top Museveni regime person. His son, Innocent Bisangwa was a top Museveni Bush War operative who hijacked the government plane from Entebbe to Kasese in 1985. While he was a Personal Assistant to Museveni in 1992, he was arrested in the USA as he attempted to smuggle a big consignment of arms to Uganda for the RPF.

By 1991 it is estimated that Banyarwanda in Uganda were 1.3M out of a total population of 18M in the country. Of these, 450,000 were Uganda indigenous Banyarwanda who became Ugandans after Kisoro became part of Uganda in 1918 and 650,000 were the Banyarwanda economic immigrants who came to look for work and a few who came to look for pasture for their cattle between 1926 and 1959 of whom 84,000 were the Banyarwanda Tutsi refugees registered under UNHCR.

Many had left the refugee settlement camps and integrated into local society. In 1993 the then Minister of Local government, Dr. Steven Chebrot estimated that about 300,000 Banyarwanda refugees were spontaneously resettled amongst the locals outside the camps. The able bodied had left the camps to the elderly and settled in urban centres while others had acquired land outside camps and settled there. The UNHCR had handed the management of the camps to the government though food aid continued coming in. Even within the camps, the refugees had become self sustaining by producing enough to feed themselves and surplus for sale.

In July 1994 when the RPF took over power in Rwanda, a reconnaissance party of Banyarwanda civilians left for Rwanda so as to get hold on political fortunes. By end of 1995, an estimated 226,000 Banyarwanda refugees had returned to Rwanda. They deserted the refugee camps and the countryside as far as Ngoma, Kyankwanzi, Masindi, Nakasongola and Luwero and moved en masse and headed for Rwanda. As the Tutsi were leaving Uganda for Rwanda, the Hutu were leaving Rwanda in millions for Tanzania and Congo. A small contingent of 11,000 Hutu entered Uganda and were camped in Kisoro and Ntungamo before being transferred to Oruchinga camp. A departing Tutsi at Oruchinga camp attempted to spear a child of an arriving Hutu but only to injure his fellow Tutsi.

The 1993 Arusha Accord between the Tutsi RPF rebels and the Hutu government of Rwanda had stipulated that returning refugees after ten years were not to seek to reclaim previous properties but were to be resettled on unoccupied land. Once the RPF took over power, the returning Tutsi occupied property left behind by fleeing Hutu. However, as time went on, reconciliation efforts dictated that returning Hutu ought to reoccupy their property. The issue was so controversial to an extent that it accounted for the false accusations of genocide against some Hutu just as a way of keeping them off the property.

To strike a compromise, a villagization (Imidugudu) scheme where services would be centralized and modern agricultural technology made accessible was initiated. The international development partners supported the construction of Imidugudu (pictured). Meeting land and housing needs of returning refugees proved quite a challenge. The situation was worse with the pastrolists Tutsi who needed huge chunks of land for their cattle.

Many returned and settled in Uganda where grazing land was plenty. Those who had anticipated a land of milk and honey, they too were disappointed and retreated to Uganda where land, availability of social services, and economic opportunities including employment were easily forthcoming more than in their new-found home. For the majority of others who had not left for Rwanda, they opted to stay in Uganda. Even the elites in influential positions in Rwanda have been acquiring land in Uganda through proxies.

With the sound availability of cash, the so called Balaalo have evolved from the traditional pastoralist casual labourers to owners of thousands of heads of cattle, huge chunks of land, are armed, and determined to spread to as far as West Nile and Acholi at the border with Sudan.

Museveni managed to push through the 1995 Constitution a provision that recognised Banyarwanda as one of the 56 indigenous ethnic communities. It was not made clear if the constitutional Banyarwanda ethnic group referred to the Banyarwanda who were added into Uganda by colonial boundaries in Kisoro, the economic immigrants of the early 20th century who came to look for work, or those who came as refugees during the 1959 – 1974 exodus escaping political turmoil.

In October 2001, the Uganda government announced that it was probing the composition of 1,252 army Cadet Officers after discovering that several Rwandan undercover spies posing as Ugandans had been recruited for training. The then Army Spokesman, Col. Keitirima confirmed that they had also turned away several Rwandans who had sought to be recruited.

In July 2002, a delegation of 30 Banyarwanda elders met Museveni for a petition over the alleges of harassment of Banyarwanda by security agencies. They claimed that over twenty Banyarwanda were being held in safe houses by intelligence services. This was during the time when relations between Uganda and Rwanda were sour following the bloody clash of the two armies in Congo. To the security agencies, the detained Banyarwanda were Rwandese spies. Appearing on Andrew Mwenda Live radio talk show, Kagame had complained that; “I was told how Rwandese are being arrested in Kampala and in Kikuko wherever they are found.”

On 17th June 2007, the government owned New Vision ran a letter by one Mutesi of Kabale in which she was complaining about Banyarwanda being denied passports. That she had had to consult her friends in security services who advised her not to state that she was a Munyarwanda but should instead call herself a Mufumbira. She went ahead to disclose that since she had worked in Kisoro as a teacher, she travelled there and using the voters card she filled forms, had them approved by the LCs and the area M.P and eventually got her passport. She disclosed that her grandfather had migrated from Rwanda to Tanzania 100 years ago, and that her father relocated to Uganda, died and was buried in Ntungamo, Uganda.

In 2007, the Local Government of Kyankwanzi district offered to take in and accommodate the 100 Banyarwanda Balaalo families that had been evicted from Buliisa following clashes with Bagungu. The move was spearheaded by the LC3 Chairman, Fred Mpora and escorted by Police. Fred Mpora has been a key figure in the incursions by Balaalo into Acholi.

In April 2008 Banyarwanda living in Uganda under their umbrella organisation, UMUBANO held the annual assembly at Lugogo Indoor Stadium under the chairmanship of Erick Kyamuhangire who is Museveni’s Senior Presidential Advisor on Culture. The assembly expressed grave concern over denial of passports, loss of land, denial of recruitment into public service, denial of scholarships and general discrimination by government.

Their Chairman lamented thus; “…. if one happens to have a contact in Rwanda, then it’s enough reason for disqualification.” They gave the example of Balalo who were being evicted in Masindi describing it as paid harassment before accusing the government of being biased against the Balaalo. Note: one of the key state witnesses in the Kyadondo terror attack, Muhammad Mugisha claimed to be a Ugandan who was born in Rwanda but relocated to Uganda in 1998.

In 2009, the Uganda Citizenship and Immigration Control Act was amended to put it in line with the constitutional provision on Banyarwanda Tutsi. S.12 provides for citizenship by birth for any person born in Uganda whose parents or grandparents is or was a member of any of the indigenous communities existing in and residing within the borders of Uganda as at the first day of February 1926, as set out in the Third Schedule to the 1995 constitution.

It went ahead to stipulate that every person born in or outside Uganda one of whose parents or grandparents was at the time of birth of that person a citizen of Uganda by birth, is eligible for citizenship. S.14 (1) (a) (ii) eliminates Hutu refugees from accessing citizenship thus; “every person born in Uganda who at the time of birth neither of his or her parents and none of his grandparents was a refugee in Uganda”.

Since it’s now the Hutu who are refugees, the provision bars them. S.14 (b) grants citizenship to anyone who has continuously lived in Uganda since 9th October 1962. Interestingly, the Act under S.14 (2) (b) gives a blank cheque to Tutsi Banyarwanda who are always on the move migrating to and settling in Uganda thus ” any person who has legally and voluntarily migrated to Uganda and has been living in Uganda for at least twenty years is eligible for citizenship”. The other requirements include a good command of the English language or ‘prescribed local language’.

In July 2010, the Museveni regime in connivance with the Kagame regime in Kigali forcefully returned to Rwanda 1,700 Hutu Asylum seeker and refugees to Rwanda. The victims have escaped Gacaca community courts, land wrangles and general repression.

Note: The UPC government was accused of forcefully returning Tutsi refugees to Rwanda in the early 1980s but in the instant case it looked okay because the victims were Hutu. In 2010, a group of Banyarwanda refugees in Uganda petitioned the Constitutional Court over acquisition of citizenship. They claimed that the Immigration Department was refusing to give them citizenship application forms on grounds that they were not eligible on account of their being refugees. They based their petition on a constitutional provision that made refugees eligible for citizenship by naturalisation and registration. Article 12 (2) (c) and 14 (2) (c) provides that “a person who on commencement of this constitution has lived in Uganda for the last 20 years is eligible for citizenship by registration”. The petitioners had lived in Uganda since 1985. In October 2015 court ruled that refugees were eligible for citizenship not by registration but naturalisation but two of the petitioners had already been relocated to the USA by UNHCR while the 3rd could not be traces.

The 2013 Land Policy condemns those who classify “cross border population movement as refugees or internally displaced people because of shared common heritage and culture”. With Museveni’s treacherous populist refugee policy, what can stop Rwandans faced with land shortage back in Rwanda from coming to Uganda claiming to be refugees from Burundi or Banyamulenge of Congo.

In 2012 the government set up a committee to discuss naturalisation for refugees especially Rwandese and Congolese of 1990s and 1960s lot respectively. The Director of Refugees stated that at least 5,000 refugees had applied for naturalisation. In January 2015, the Ministry of Internal Affairs ran a countrywide awareness campaign to enable any non-citizens that meet the conditions stipulated under S.14 of the Uganda Citizenship and immigration Control Act to become citizens. The Minister made it clear that refugees were not eligible to apply. In both instances, nothing concrete was arrived at and the scheme was simply abandoned.

In 2012, Museveni and Kagame met members of the Banyarwanda community in Uganda (UMUBANO) at State House in Kampala. They were feuding over leadership with one faction recognising Donant Kananura while another one recognized Dr. Eric Kyamuhangire who also doubles as a Senior Presidential Advisor on Culture. The Kananura group was accused of extorting money from Kagame under the guise of assisting Banyarwanda in Uganda. Museveni promised to mediate in resolving the leadership wrangles. On his part, Kagame advised the Banyarwanda not to focus on those small issues of leadership but work for the development of the two countries.

In 2013 Tanzania expelled Rwandese who were illegally staying in Kagera region back to Rwanda. Thousands of them chose to come to Uganda where the Museveni regime accorded them VIP reception, free land and citizenship. The Chairman of the Banyarwanda in Uganda who is also a Presidential Advisor on Culture, Dr. Eric Kyamuhangire wrote a long missive in The New Vision condemning Tanzania’s action. He argued that the people expelled were Banyarwanda who had migrated there in the 1970s and 80s in search of pasture and were therefore both Ugandans and Tanzanians because that region is suitable for cattle grazing.

The expulsion also fermented serious friction between Museveni and Kagame on one hand and Tanzania’s Jakaya Kikwete. Kyamuhangire’s argument confirms the belief by some people that the so-called cattle corridor is for their exclusive occupation. How come they couldn’t trace their previous homes if they were Ugandans? In July 2015 Museveni paid a visit to a one Johnson Nyinondi in Tanzania’s Kagera region whom he described as his relative who had helped a lot in intelligence gathering and recruitment of fighters against the Iddi Amin regime.

In April 2016, the then Minister of Internal Affairs, Rose Akol visited Mirama Hill border post at the Uganda-Rwanda border. She ordered Rwandan nationals in Uganda who were holding both Ugandan and Rwandese national IDs to surrender one. During the same occasion the DPC Ntungamo and Immigration Officers disclosed that the irregularity was making it difficult to fight cross border crime. Immigration Officers further revealed that they were confiscating an average of ten Ugandan IDs per day from Rwandan travellers.

Given the porous borderline, it is obvious that many more Uganda ID card holders move freely to and from the two countries. During the 2016 general elections in Uganda, the opposition decried that the Museveni regime had been issuing national IDs to Rwandans in order to enable them to vote for Museveni. The Minister’s stand did not go well with the regime agenda and she was not only relieved of her ministerial position but made to lose in the parliamentary elections. Its no wonder that even the Uganda national ID is institutionally baptized INDANGAMUNTU – a Kinyarwanda word for Rwandan national ID.

Last week the Rwandan High Commissioner to Uganda called upon Rwandans residing in Uganda to get ready to cast their vote at the embassy during the forthcoming August general elections. He disclosed that there are 55,000 Rwandans in the diaspora of which about 6,000 live in Uganda.

From the above long narration, it can be authoritatively argued that the so called Banyarwanda include all the Rwandans who find themselves in Uganda including the Rwandese embassy staff. The spirit of the constitution was manipulated to cover up for a wider scheme for Tutsi domination of Uganda. The recognition of Banyarwanda as one of the indigenous communities of Uganda was not meant for the migrant Banyarwanda who came to Uganda at the beginning of the last century. Moreover, this category had already integrated into the local Ugandan society and those from Kisoro district who were made part of Uganda by colonialists have their own identity as Bafumbira. Therefore, the Banyarwanda of Uganda are the former Tutsi refugees of 1960s and 70s and the Tutsi immigrants both of whom have found two homes in both Uganda and Rwanda. They are bent on systematically achieving dominance and have the political and financial muscle to achieve this.

Under the guise of commercial farming, Museveni’s scheme is to deprive people of their land and hoard them into urban centres so that they lose their respective community identities to the advantage of Banyarwanda. That is the price of the false so called national unity and regional integration.

[Yoweri Museveni]

On 20th July 2017 in Lugusulu, Sembabule district, a one PC Canaan Nkamuhebwa shot dead a one Tumukunde Paul following a simple scuffle. The culprit was attached to Police Presidential Guard Unit under as a guard to Museveni’s relative commonly referred to as Senga wa Museveni (Museveni’s aunt), a one Jovia Kabuganda. The victim was a son of the LC 3 Chairman for Lugusulu Sub county, Fred Karakure. Two days later, on 22nd July 2017, the army court martial convened in Sembabule, tried, convicted and sentenced PC Canaan Nkamuhebwa to death. The army issued a statement to the effect that the punishment is to be carried out shortly after the condemned PC Canaan has exhausted the appeal process.

Two months ago, in May 2017, Museveni attended the wedding of Mr. and Mrs. Kabuganda in Lugusulu where he donated three Friesian cows to the newly wed and ten million shillings to the local church. The other two bodyguards of Senga Wa Museveni have also been found guilty of abetting the murder and sentenced to 15 and forty years respectively. This is madness of the highest level; two days of investigation, trial and sentencing a capital offence!!!!!!!!! The supersonically speedy summary trial also poses the question of whether the convict, PC Canaan Nkamuhebwa is a police officer or a soldier in police uniform and the entire mixing up of security management

It happened during Museveni’s Bush War where a few unfortunate victims were arbitrarily executed by firing squad just to hoodwink the public. Ever since Museveni took over power 31 years ago, his security personnel have committed grave heinous crimes against civilians but no one has ever been put on firing squad. It’s only in March 2002 when an Irish Priest was shot dead in Karamoja and the army executed two Acholi junior soldiers within 24 hours. It later emerged that those soldiers had been sacrificed to cover up for the state sanctioned murder of the Irish Priest because he had highlighted the army atrocities in Karamoja during the brutal disarmament exercise.

In the instant case, the hasty trial and threats of execution is prompted by the fact that the Victim, Paulo Tumukunde was a son of a prominent Muhima who is also an LC 3 Chairman. Further, it’s because the incident involves abuse of power where the so-called Senga Wa Museveni is irregularly accorded a VIIP treatment with a government fleet of cars and bodyguards. But above all, it demonstrates that there are people who are supposed to be murdered and those who should not be murdered. In December 2014, another untouchable prominent Muhima in the neighboring Ntusi Sub county, Emmanuel Kamihingo, the LC 3 Chairman murdered a one Nkatunga.

The police arrested him and took him to court but before he could appear before the Magistrate at Sembabule, armed security operatives forcefully got him from the police custody and drove him away. The DPC claimed to have got a call from the DPP ordering for his release without charges. The Resident State Attorney, Masaka, Baxter Bakibinga who had sanctioned the charges claimed that the file had been prematurely sanctioned before promising to reinstate Kamihingo on the charge sheet after gathering sufficient evidence. That was the end of the story but it later emerged that the powerful, Sam Kuteesa had threatened the law enforcement agencies into letting Kamihingo off the hook.

It is a fact that the Museveni regime security machinery has a licence to maim and kill with impunity. For the past one decade and more so in recent times, killing of innocent Ugandans by security officers has been the order of the day. The perpetrators have maimed and killed with impunity in a wider scheme to spread terror among the population. Where the regime purports to apprehend the culprits just for the sake of public relations, the cases take years and in many instances, are either swept under the carpet or end in favor of the perpetrators.

The most recent examples are as follows:

June 2017 in Mbale a police officer shot and injured three senior two students.

March 2017 in Mityana police shot dead three years old baby.

In July 2017 in Kasese police shot dead a lorry driver.

In June 2017 three top security managers of Ntoroko district, DPC, DISO and Battalion Commander killed two local residents.

In June 2017 in Serere district, Sgt Richard Oring shot dead two people.

In October 2015 in Akokoro, police shot dead three fishermen.

In March 2017 in Soroti, SP Charles Opiko murdered Joseph Ochodu.

In July 2017 in Rakai, police shot and injured a senior two student.

In 2006 in Soroti, PC Francis Odeny shot and killed a senior two student, Francis Asiate.

In April 2011 in Masaka, PC Paulo Mugenyi shot dead two years old Juliana Balwanga. The police chief told mourners that the culprit was to be tried by the military court.

In 2010 in Ntoroko district, CMI’s Allan Kyomya killed a local resident, Babulitega.

In March 2016 in Kiruhura district, PC Sam Babirweki shot dead two people.

In 2011 Cpl Fred Makanya shot dead two people around Kabalagala in Kampala.

In December 2012 CMI’s Alex Kitiyo shot dead PC Chemtai.

In 2009 Army PGB’s Cpl. Mucunguzi shot dead eight people in Kampala.

In December 2012 Army Cpl Rwakihembo shot dead three people and injured others in Kampala. He was sentenced to 95-year imprisonment. On appeal, it was reduced to 30 years. Further appeal before the Court Martial Appeal Court, it was reduced to three years. He is out of jail.

In 2013 Col. Kaye shot dead a one Kabuye.

In 2012 two Local Defence Unit personnel at Lodwa army detach in Karamoja beat to death a 75 years old woman before sexually assaulting her two daughters.The Police December 2012 crime report indicated that security personnel had killed 40 people and attempted to kill 15 others.

In March 2015 Cpl Kennedy Okum shot dead a bar maid over a 1,000 shs note.

In March 2015 Pte Anguilla George shot dead five local residents of Kabong district.

In April 2014 Pte Chris Amanyire shot dead ten people in Karugutu, in Ntoroko district.

In March 2013 Pte Patrick Okot killed ten people and wounded two others and was sentenced to 90 years.

In 2008 Cpl Francis Okello shot dead his girl friend in Karugutu, Ntoroko district. The Court Martial sentenced him to 95 years’ imprisonment in 2010.

In June 1994 the Army ASU’s Richard Komaketch shot dead fourteen people and injured 13 others in Naguru, Kampala.

In December 2014 PC Ogwang shot dead 13 people and wounded 14 others in Kamwenge district.

In March 1998 Police’s Fred Ngobi shot dead seven people including four Chinese.

In October 2006 army Cpl Bono Lino shot dead seven people at an IDP camp in Padyere.

In September 2006 the army’s Pte Andrew Wanyama of 409 Brigade shot dead seven people at a night club in Arua.

In October 2013 a private security guard shot dead eight people at Top Pub in Kampala.

In December 2013 Police’s Patrick Odong shot dead three people at a pub in Kabalagala.

In January 2014 Pte Andrew Shikaya shot dead a tractor driver in Moroto district.

In July 2012 CMI’s Major Joel Babumba murdered Moses Kazungu in Kalungu district.

The above is just a tip of the iceberg but the fact is that Museveni’s security officers have a licence to kill and enjoy state protection in return for keeping the regime in power. Therefore, the hasty mock trial in Sembabule is meant to play on the psychology of Ugandans.

[Yoweri Museveni]

Late this week, Museveni promoted Col. Octavious Butuuro to the rank of Brigadier and appointed him as the Managing Director of Luwero Industries Ltd – a subsidiary of the Ministry of Defence’s National Enterprises Corporation (NEC).

Brig. Octavious Butuuro is a Munyankole from Bunyaruguru. He is a young brother to the Chief Justice, Bart Magunda Katureebe, former Bishop of Kasese, Nkaijanabyo, and Journalist Bart Kakooza. Butuuro joined the NRA in the late 1980s under the special recruitment for the Air force. After undergoing basic military training, the entire batch was taken to Nakasongola Air Wing where it was grounded for a long time without any progress towards the Air Force career. A good number of members of this group deserted the force. At the time, the NRA was using the tactic of enticing educated potential recruits with false promises of serving under the Air Force.

It was around 1990 that the then Air Force Intelligence Officer, Richard Nana selected a number of these abandoned soldiers and seconded them to the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) at Basiima House. At DMI, most of these boys who were Banyarwanda were incorporated into the Banyarwanda dominated Counter Intelligence department. Butuuro was seconded to join the Research Desk under the Office of the Director, at the time Lt. Col. Byemaro Mijumbi. The others were now Col. Dan Munyuza who is now with the RPF in Rwanda and Col. Abdu Rugumayo who is still under CMI.

In the early 1990s, then Private Butuuro was seconded for automatic promotion to the rank of Lieutenant under the University graduates scheme. However, his academic papers allegedly written in Latin raised controversy. Efforts were made to have them interpreted by the Vatican Embassy in Kampala. Eventually, Butuuro was promoted to Lieutenant.
With the coming of Henry Tumukunde who renamed DMI as CMI, his scheme to dismantle the old establishment, the Research Desk under DMI was scrapped. The developments came at a time when relations between Museveni and Kagame were very bad. Tumukunde sought to neutralize the Rwandese spy networks by displacing all the senior staff who had served under DMI when it was dominated by Banyarwanda who went to form the RPF. The officers under it (including Butuuro) were dispersed.

The now Capt. Butuuro had a short stint at the IGAD secretariat in Nairobi. His woes were also attributed to the politics of the day then. In 2001, Museveni dropped his elder brother, Bart Katureebe from cabinet. As Attorney General, Katureebe has lost the case in The Hague where Uganda was accused by DRC for among other charges, plunder of natural resources. He went into private practice by starting Kampala Associated Advocates.

Katureebe had also been suspected to have been among the top politicians from Ankole who were opposed to Museveni’s 3rd Term. In April 2009, Brig. Butuuro’s other elder brother and TV Journalist, Bart Kakooza caused a stir when he illegally accessed the highly restricted notorious torture chamber at the infamous Kololo Safe House. In 2002 Butuuro as a member of the probe committee that investigated Maj. Sabiiti Mutengesa’s alleged creation of ghost soldiers, made a minority report that exonerated him to the displeasure of Gen. Kaziini who had been witch-hunting the Major. Later on, Mutengesa fled to exile after Museveni failed to protect him.

In 2005 Museveni appointed Bart Katureebe as a Justice of the Supreme Court. In 2006 Museveni appointed then Lt. Col. Butuuro to the position of Deputy CMI. In 2008 he was replaced by Lt. Col. Dominic Twesigomwe as Deputy CMI. He proceeded to a one year course at the College of International Security in 2009. In 2010 he was awarded the Luwero Triangle Medal though he was never anywhere near the Luwero Bush War. He was promoted to Colonel and posted to Rwanda as the Defence Attaché.

In 2013, Museveni rejected the Judicial Service recommendation of Bart Katureebe as Chief Justice. Museveni was bent on reappointing Benjamin Odoki who had clocked retirement age to continue in the office as Chief Justice. It took the Constitutional Court in 2014 to declare that the reappointment of Odoki was unconstitutional. In 2016 Museveni had no alternative but to appoint Bart Katureebe as the Chief Justice. In 2016, Col. Butuuro was moved from Kigali and posted to Khartoum as the Military Attaché.

Brig. Octavious Butuuro is an officer and a gentleman. That is why despite the long service in intelligence circles, he has never been directly implicated in Human Rights abuses. With minimal military training and exposure to command positions, Luwero industries is the best place for him.

As to Butuuro’s managerial capacity, it doesn’t matter because the so-called arms industries are nothing but a tax payer’s money trap. Amama Mbabazi’s wife made a fortune out of it. However, of recent the industries have switched to production of highly classified war materials with technical expertise and aid from Moscow. Museveni has been stuck with getting a trusted and loyal cadre to entrust with the industries thus why Gen. Mugira has been managing both NEC and Luwero Industries.

Under the circumstances, Octavious Butuuro is the best candidate. His undisputed loyalty arises from the role played by his uncle, the Chief Justice in sustaining the regime. For the doubting Thomases, backing by political leadership plays a big role in the military careers of some officers. Andrew Mwenda’s bootlicking has helped shape Brig. Kayanja Muhanga’s military career. Kasese politics have shaped Gen. Mbadi’s military career. Bank of Uganda Governor, Tumusiime Mutebile has helped shape Brig. Sabiiti Mutebiile’s military career as the army’s chief Engineer.
The need to hoodwink Baganda has worked well for Gen. Katumba Wamala’s military career. The politicians from different regions have more often pleaded for the easing of persecution of certain army officers. The endless list is for another day and a story worth telling.

[Yoweri Museveni]

In the 1950s, a young teacher, Edward Rurangaranga from Bushenyi joined other Ugandans to found the Uganda People’s Congress (UPC). He was later to abandon the teaching profession when the UPC government banned public servants from active politics. Instead he remained in the Ankole District Council where he became the Deputy Speaker and later Speaker until kingdoms were abolished in 1967. He was very instrumental in promoting the health and education services in Bushenyi – an act that saw the elevation of Banyankole Bairu’s social status.

When Obote was overthrown in 1971, Rurangaranga was briefly detained at Makindye Barracks. Upon release, he concentrated on working with Kitagata Bus Service – a local transport company in Ankole. Following the foiled September 1972 armed attack from Tanzania by Ugandans in exile, Rurangaranga was arrested, shot and dumped in River Rwizi. He miraculously survived and was smuggled to Kenya where he spent most of his life in exile.

In 1978, Maj. Rurangaranga joined the Tanzania backed Uganda exiles armed wing, Kikosi Maalum. Upon crossing the Uganda/Tanzania border, Rurangaranga led a campaign in the Ankole region aimed at undermining Museveni’s influence. Rurangaranga accused Museveni of being a Rwandese who was bent on recruiting Rwandese into FRONASA and dissuaded several Banyankole Bairu boys from joining FRONASA. As the administrator for Bushenyi immediately after the fall of Iddi Amin, he was accused of having incited the April, 1979 massacres of Muslims in Ankole.

Rurangaranga accused Museveni who was the then Minister of Defence of having been responsible for the massacres. Rurangaranga went ahead to challenge Museveni to join him in addressing a joint rally in the affected area of Kiziba in Sheena in order for the locals to pinpoint the right culprit.

Under the first post Iddi Amin governments, Edward Rurangaranga was made a Deputy Minister of Local Government. He played a vital role in neutralizing Museveni’s influence in Ankole by pulling quite a good number of Bairu young men from Ankole into the new post Iddi Amin army, UNLA. He played a leading role in the return of Milton Obote from exile in Tanzania before he landed in Bushenyi on 27th May 1980 and this day became a Heroes Day under the 2nd UPC government.
In 1980, Rurangaranga contested for and won the Bushenyi West parliamentary seat on the UPC ticket by defeating UPM’s Kahinda Otafiire.

In 1981 Obote appointed Rurangaranga as the Minister of State in the President’s Office. Dr. Milton Obote also gave Maj. Rurangaranga the military rank of Major and appointed him a member of the Defence Council. Within the ranks of the then Museveni’s rebel NRA, Rurangaranga was the enemy of the people.
Fighters were being indoctrinated with declarations of destroying the likes of Rurangaranga. Intact, Rurangaranga’s name featured in most of the so called NRA ‘patriotic songs’. One of them went as follows; “Rurangaranga eh, tutampiga, amba iyo iyo amba (we shall attack Rurangaranga”).

Following the overthrow of Obote by the army in May 1985, Rurangaranga’s village home was attacked by neighbours and his property was destroyed.

In October 1985, Rurangaranga fled the country only to return in March 1986 after Museveni had taken over government. Rurangaranga was immediately arrested and detained without trial until March 1991 when he was released. Among the concocted charges was that he had masterminded the killing of a one Kaburingo in the early 1980s.

Maj. Rurangaranga’s son, Charles Aine joined the NRA and served under Internal Security Organisation (ISO). Being a University graduate, Charles Aine was automatically made a Lieutenant and for many years served as the DISO of Masaka District.

In March 1998, Charles Aine was transferred from Masaka to ISO headquarters in Kampala to deputise the then Director of Collection, David Kasura Kyomukama. Charles Aine was later seconded to the inter-agency Joint Anti-terrorism Task Force (JATTF) base at Kololo.

Right from its inception, JATTF has kidnapped, tortured, framed, illegally detained, maimed and killed. In July 2011, Charles Aine was appointed the Kampala Metropolitan Regional Internal Security Officer (RISO). He rose to become a Major in the army under ISO and his military service played a major role in mitigating Maj. Rurangaranga’s relationship with the Museveni regime.

In Bushenyi, Maj. Rurangaranga contested for the position of Constituent Assembly delegate but lost to Prof. Eljah Mushemeza. Maj. Rurangaranga later won unopposed the position of Councillor for Kitagata Sub County in the Bushenyi District Council. He became the UPC National Chairman and an influential political figure in Bushenyi and Ankole sub-region. His strong opposition to Museveni was often undermined by his son’s sensitive military service.

However, whenever Maj. Rurangaranga would get a chance, he would pour out his anger. In some of such interviews, he made statements expressing his disgust for Museveni. In one instance, he accused Museveni of “allowing refugees to be saluted by Ugandans under the Uganda flag” adding that “it was a grave mistake any independent state could ever make”. He went ahead to state that the Rwandese were still “so many in the army and regime structures.” He argued that Uganda could not claim sovereignty over security thus; “How could you develop antagonism, to the extent of fighting, with a country like Rwanda when you have their nationals in your security system!!”

Maj. Edward Rurangaranga passed on two days ago and Museveni allowed him to be accorded a State Funeral. Maj. Rurangaranga’s body lying in state in the Parliamentary chambers, Prime Minister Ruhakana Rugunda described him as a patriotic Ugandan who served his country diligently.

Like many others, Edward Rurangaranga was a nationalist whose political career was destroyed by Museveni. President Yoweri Museveni fabricated a lot of lies about the UPC government and the individual party members to suit his designs of ascending to the presidency for the reasons that even the doubting Thomases have now come to accept.
Had it not been for Maj. Rurangaranga’s son, Maj. Charles Aine, Maj. Rurangaranga would have had a lot of trouble under the Museveni regime and at worst died in detention many years ago. In the same vein, though he had no army number, we are likely to see him being accorded a military burial parade, if Museveni so wishes. This is because there is no law pertaining to national honours, entitlements and emoluments of past fallen leaders.
Maj. Rurangaranga may have been erratic but not as demonic as portrayed by Museveni for selfish gains.

[Yoweri Museveni]

The Museveni regime has announced that Al Shabaab militants in Somalia have killed 12 of its soldiers and injured seven others. Unconfirmed reports from other media circles are putting the figure of casualties at a much higher figure. Whatever the case, it is obvious that as usual, the army must have arrived at this figure on account of attempting to downplay the incident.

It is unfortunate that Ugandans have received the sad news with mixed feelings. Instead of uniting in grief, most Ugandans are questioning the purpose of the army’s endless presence in Somalia. It is now 10 years since Museveni sent his army to Somalia allegedly for peace keeping. He has used the Somali mission to blackmail the West over his dictatorship and autocratic reign. President Yoweri Museveni has used the same mission to cater for the poor welfare of his army. He has used the same mission as a foreign exchange earning venture.

Back home, the army is highly privatised and many Ugandans now view it as an arm of the dictatorial regime. It arrests, detains, tortures, maims, kills, Rigs elections, grabs land, persecutes some of its own, and it is run on sectarian and nepotism grounds.

In November 2016 (November 26 and 27) in Kasese, the army killed over one hundred innocent civilians and set the dead bodies on fire. The same army also arrested many others, stripped them naked, tortured, and detained them over 500kms away in Jinja. Amidst the mayhem, Museveni went on an official trip to South Africa. He blocked parliament from inquiring into the matter and promoted the Operation Commander, General Elwelu and assigned him higher responsibility. The matter is now closed but Ugandans are nursing bitterness.

Ugandans don’t have guns to avenge the atrocities netted on them. The killing of some members of the army in Somalia brings about a sense of retribution and justice to the aggrieved Ugandans. This is an unfortunate situation that should be addressed by all those who love Uganda. In the past, http://changeofguards.blogspot.ca

 
has on several occasions highlighted the role of Museveni’s army in Somalia as follows:

1. SOMALIA – PEACE MISSION OR A MUSEVENI ARMY WELFARE SCHEME? 6/11/2014.
https://changeofguards.blogspot.ca/…/somalia-peace-mission-…

 
2. ALSHABAAB ATTACK IS A RESPONSE TO MUSEVENI’S ARROGANCE. 5/9/2015.
https://changeofguards.blogspot.ca/…/al-shabaab-attack-is-r…

 

3.
SGT WANYAMA’S REMAINS WILL NEVER BE FOUND. 7/9/2015
https://changeofguards.blogspot.ca/…/sgt-wanyamas-remains-w…

 
The army has promised to institute an inquiry headed by Brig. Jack Bakasumba. He is from Bundibugyo, started his military career as an instructor, mentored by the Presidential Guard Unit for regime cadreship, is the commandant of the Peace Keeping training centre at Singo and has been implicated in repeatedly abusing his office by taking bribes from soldiers for secondment to peace keeping missions.

With Brig. Bakasumba heading the inquiry, Ugandan should not expect the truth of what transpired in Somalia. What happened to the inquiry into the helicopter crashes where the Air Force chief, Brigadier Moses Rwakitarate was consequently suspended? He is the now the Military Attaché to the European Union in Brussels. Whenever there are such attacks and losses, inquiries are always carried out just for the purposes of processing financial compensation.

The African Union pays US$ 50,000 (180,000,000 Uganda shillings). With the 12 soldiers reportedly killed, the regime is warming up for US$ 600,000 (2,160,000,000 Uganda shillings). On August 5th 2011, 29 years old, Pte Eunuch Robert of UGABAT VIII was killed by All Shabaab insurgents in Somalia when a bullet went through his eye and came out through the neck. A Board of Inquiry was convened on 19th October 2011. It made a finding that Pte Eunuch had not been negligent and it recommended that he should be compensated with the usual US$ 50,000. His family is in the High Court seeking for an order to have the compensation paid.

The most recent attack was on the 7th Battalion which is one of the original battalions that captured Kampala in 1986 under the command of Matayo Kyaligonza. After take over, it was stationed in Jinja. During the 1996 presidential elections, it was based in Mbuya, Kampala under the command of Hudson Mukasa. It was chased out of Kampala on the eve of the polling day after it was discovered that it was sympathetic to DP’s Paulo Ssemogerere. Truckloads of troops left and drove through the city center chanting; “Ssemogerere, gira offuge Uganda, Museveni Tumukooye (Ssemogerere, prepare to rule Uganda, we are tired of Museveni). This particular incident shaped Museveni’s scheme to privatise the army – a move he has successfully achieved. Hudson Mukasa lost out on his military career and has been Uganda’s ‘permanent’ Military Attaché to Burundi.

[Yoweri Museveni]

MUSEVEN’S RIGGING MACHINE:

In Uganda, the 31 years old military dictatorship under Museveni changed the constitution to remove the two five years’ term limit to allow Museveni to rule till death. He appoints all the members and staff of the Electoral Commission (EC) and controls its operations. When Ugandans demanded for the independence of the EC, he instead arrogantly added the word Independent to read IEC. He creates geographical electoral constituencies to suit his personal designs. He institutes measures that determine whom he is to compete with. He frames those that he doesn’t approve of with concocted criminal charges as a way of either keeping them out of the race or bogging down their campaign efforts. He compels public servants to campaign for him or else lose their positions. He blackmails voters by telling them how he as the controller of public resources would not extend developmental programs through the representative of their choice unless their choice is his.

During the election campaign period, he creates a war like situation so as to instill fear in the population. He uses the security forces to torment with violence, curtail the freedom of movement, assembly and association of his opponents before, during and after the campaigns. State inspired election violence leaves many with gravious bodily harm, injury, dead, rampantly arrested, detained and kidnapped. It brands the opposition as enemy Terrorists bent on setting the country on fire. It uncontrollably uses public financial and material resources in furtherance of its election campaigns while at the same time suffocating the opposition’s sources of finance and logistics. Museveni publicly threatens to return to war if the opposition is voted into power before declaring that he won’t hand over power if he loses the elections. Regime cadres and security officers prevail over the EC in the conduct of its operations. During the February 2016 elections, the EC Chairman regretted for having allowed Dr. Besigye on the ballot paper.

On election day, the army, police, Prison Warders and other private militias are deployed on every inch of the country in order to instill fear in the population. Through the UCC, Museveni disables communication by blocking social media and even shutting down some radio stations. By the time the final results are announced his main contenders and some of their supporters are either in detention or on the run being hunted by the security machinery over concocted terrorism charges.

[Yoweri Museveni]

Brig. Taban Kyabihende (RIP) who passed away last week had been one of the Bush War fighters who joined in 1981. He had been part of the Museveni FRONASA faction of the post Iddi Amin national army, UNLA. He served under UNLA’s 15th Battalion and was based at Bugolobi flats from where he was an escort to the wife of the late Brig. Oyite Ojok. He joined the Bush War two weeks after the January 6th 1981 attack on Kabamba.

Though he and his group took with them a number of guns that they had stolen from the UNLA, they were initially treated with suspicion owing to the fact that they had earlier made a last hour pull out of the Kabamba Attack Mission. He hailed from Kazo; one of the areas that had unrestricted enlistment into the NRA Bush War.

His elder other two brothers, Happy Kyabihende and Herbert Makanga were also to later join the NRA. While Taban Kyabihende was active in top staff and command positions, his siblings served under specialty units of the NRA. Herbert Makanga served under the Presidential Protection Unit (PPU) where he rose to the rank of Captain and an Aide de Camp (ADC) to MUSEVENI in the early 1990s.
Their elder brother, Happy Kyabihende who served under the former DMI at Basiima House left the army under the Reduction in Force (RIF) in the early 1990s with no rank. He settled at their village home in Kazi before rejoining the intelligence services first as the local GISO and later the DISO of Ibanda District.

Following the Museveni and Gen. Ssejusa fall out in the mid 1990s and the consequential sidelining of Bahima army officers, Taban Kyabihende lost out on command positions. His young brother, then Capt. Herbert Makanga was also relieved of his position as ADC to Museveni. He was instead sent to CMI where he headed the Rwanda Desk codenamed ‘Operation Romeo’ at a time when tensions between Museveni and Kagame were at the climax. Museveni was accusing Kagame of harbouring and aiding the shadowy opposition PRA rebels. Rampant indiscriminate arrests and kidnap of Opposition Reform Agenda supporters saw the arrest of an old man and resident of Kabaale, Mzei Manenero and his son, Patrick Owomugisha Manenero over alleged links with PRA.

On 22nd June 2002 at the former CMI headquarters on Kitante Road, the two victims were interrogated by Capt. Herbert Makanga of the Rwanda Desk. From the adjacent room, Mzei Manenero painfully overheard his
son yelling for mercy from his torturers. In the middle of the night, the yelling was no more but unknown by the father, his son Patrick had been tortured to death. The then CMI boss, Brig. Mayombo promised to investigate the incident before handing over the body to the family members for burial. He also sent a condolence message and one million shillings through the RDC and the area M.P.

Mzei Manenero remained in detention for a couple of months before he was released without charges. According to Brig. Mayombo, three months later on 22nd September 2002, a one Cpl Obiga Mudasiru was arrested and charged with murder of Patrick Manenero before the army Division Court Martial at Mbuya. This soldier is said to have been a guard at CMI when he hit his victim as he allegedly attempted to escape. He went further to state that Cpl. Mudasiru was granted bail on health grounds before he died on 3rd May 2004 at Moto Hospital of natural causes.

With the alleged death of Cpl Mudasiru, then Capt. Makanga got off the hook and was assigned to more sensitive responsibilities including Commanding the 21st Battalion. He is now a Lieutenant Colonel. Interestingly, the Kyabihende’s have had their unique family controversies; initially it was the elder daughter spying for UPC’s NASA which really gave a hard time to the NRA clandestine in Kazo and
Nyabushozi during the Bush War. Then came the marrying of the two sisters by Brig Taban Kyabihende and fathering of forty children but the biggest controversy was the open secret among the Bahima fraternity that the same Brigadier had at one time ‘slept’ with his mother-in-law (akamuzaho).

When Brig. Taban was brought back into active command positions, he used the opportunity to amass wealth through smuggling in eastern Uganda. Following the fleeing of Gen. Ssejusa to London in 2013, Brig. Taban was distanced from command positions by sending him to Congo as a Military Attaché. It was humiliating for a Brigadier to serve under a retired Major James Kinobe as the Ambassador but the humble and soft spoken Brigadier had to swallow his pride and serve his Katebe.
RIP Brig. Taban, RIP Patrick Manenero.

[Author]

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