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    Uganda’s military dictator is at it again trying to further entrench his autocratic reign by once again sodomizing the constitution. In 1995 he bribed members of Parliament to remove term limits to allow him to continue to rule. He is now facing another constitutional hurdle that bars him to run for the presidency beyond seventy-five years. He is also itching to amend the constitution to enable his regime to grab private land without compensation.

    His top cohorts have repeatedly issued contradictory statements over the impending age limit amendment. The Attorney General told parliament that there is no such a bill in the offing. The Speaker barred MPs from discussing the “age limit bill that has not been tabled before Parliament”. The cadre Police chief has decreed that the ” age limit debate is strictly in parliament but not in schools or villages”. It is supposed to be debated in parliament and should be among M.Ps.” The police have gone ahead to brutally arrest and detain different sections of the public over these impending monstrous bills.

    The regime has gone ahead to table the equally explosive Land Act (Amendment) Bill. The Presidential Age Limit Bill may be passively supported by regime cohorts and majority ignorant regime supporters just for the sake of maintaining the status quo. However, that Land Act amendment for compulsory acquisition of private land affects everyone across the board regardless of political affiliation.

    The land bill is more controversial than the Age Limit Bill. The top regime cohorts have been exploiting the poverty, fear and ignorance of the masses in grabbing their land. Buganda Kingdom has reactivated its land rights awareness campaign this time round dubbed Kyapa Mungalo. The scheme aims at empowering its subjects with value for land so that they don’t easily dispose of it off to grabbers. In the Northern region, regime land grabbing is already being violently resisted and so is in Eastern Uganda.

    The deceptive Museveni Land Probe Commission has clearly made public what was already known that land grabbing is spearheaded by top regime cohorts with full backing of the regime. No wonder, its activities have been halted under the guise of lack of funds and it won’t be surprising if it does not resume. The regime may even accuse it of ‘incitement’ of violence or being accessory to defamation of the President.

    Since the conclusion of the February 2016 rigged polls that gave rise to a military take over by Museveni, the regime has placed a ban on opposition political activities. It has brutally and arrogantly suppressed all attempts by the opposition to link with the masses. The regime has curtailed public meetings and assemblies, imposed draconian restrictions of access and use of radio, TV, print and social media. The regime fears an Arab Spring, Burkina Faso, or Ivory Coast kind of situation.

    That way, the regime hopes to keep the population in fear and ignorance. Some sections of the Ugandan society have innocently suggested that the controversial constitutional amendment bills should be subjected to a referendum. They forget that the regime has all the machinery to rig and influence the outcome. However, the regime can not dare subject such controversial constitutional amendment bills to a referendum because it fears the exercise would involve different stakeholders to directly interact with the population.

    The spillover effects of the referendum exercise may not be easily reversed. It would provide a platform for the opposition to directly link with the population hence enlightening them about their rights to the disadvantages from the regime. Therefore, the only option available to the regime, is to as usual use the legislators to pass the bills. Nevertheless, the elected legislators are also mindful of loosing out on the electorates because of the unpopularity of the two bills.

    The only way out is for Museveni to guarantee the legislators security of tenure by also amending the constitution to extend their term of office from five years to 50 so that they will not have to go back to renew their mandate with their community and their voters.

    Alternatively, the only way out is to kick the regime out of power. Otherwise, the bills will be passed and there is nothing anyone can do. That will mark the end of Uganda and Ugandans. Regime stays or regime goes.


    Uganda is a country of 38M people plus 1.5M refugees

    Uganda is a country of 38M people plus 1.5M refugees. Uganda has 80% of its population living in rural areas and thriving on subsistence farming. According to Museveni, it is this “overcrowding” in subsistence farming that is responsible for environmental degradation. While addressing the Nile Basin Summit in Kampala on 22nd June 2017, he submitted that “too many people in agriculture put a lot of pressure on the forests, the mountain ranges, the river banks and what is erroneously called wetlands.”

    During the same occasion, he further argued that; “…the 400M acres of arable land that Uganda has does not need all these millions of people to produce efficiently.” He has repeatedly observed that “in the USA it is only 2% of the population that is in agriculture.”

    Earlier on during the ‘State of the Cattle Address’, he observed that the youth should not be condemned to the countryside but should be facilitated to stay in the city. He made a case for industrialization as a way of easing the burden on land thus; “Agriculture would therefore retain fewer people that would farm scientifically and produce higher yields of food and raw materials.”


    From the above viewpoint, we can authoritatively argue that Museveni is bent on seeing a big number of Ugandans losing their land in the countryside and migrate to urban centres. This explains the state-orchestrated massive land grabbing that is going on in the whole country. The scheme has been going on for decades and has been taking the form of deliberately making land valueless to the ordinary people.

    Museveni had to kill the production of the traditional cash crops like cotton and coffee. He went ahead to kill the cooperative movement, the Cooperative Bank and the Uganda Commercial Bank. He depleted cattle from some regions. The mismanagement of Uganda Railways and its eventual closure disadvantaged the production capacity of many people in the countryside. That way land became of less value and when state orchestrated land grabbing swung into action, the victims were caught in a vulnerable situation.

    Therefore, even his so called multi billion so called poverty alleviation programs have failed to make any positive economic impact simply because doing so would put value on the land hence would not be easily relinquished by the victims. The ongoing military led Operation Wealth Creation is nothing but a wastage of public resources as it contradicts his agenda of rural-urban immigration.

    The 1975 Land Reform Decree overhauled the traditional land tenure system by declaring all land as public land. The 1995 Constitution re-invested all land back to the citizens in several land tenure systems. During the inauguration of the 1995 Constitution, Museveni made it categorically clear that he had been unhappy with the provisions on land. He was opposed to private ownership of land in favour of government ownership of all land.

    Museveni has always been obsessed with Buganda’s land. Since that time, he set out on a number of carefully calculated schemes to deprive private land owners of their land. The Land Act Cap 227 of 1998 provided for the Uganda Land Commission (ULC) as a body charged with management of all public land, the District Land Board, the Parish Land Committee, the District Land Tribunals, and Land Tribunals for Sub-counties and gazetted urban areas. This Land Act has already been subjected to three amendments to suit Museveni’s designs.

    The first time was in 2010 when it extended the jurisdiction of Magistrates and LC courts to continue handling land disputes until the land Tribunals would be put in place. In 2004 when security of family land was guaranteed and in 2010 security of the so called bonafide occupants was enhanced. The 2010 amendment in particular had proven to be very controversial. It had been initiated in 2007 under the Land Act (Amendment) Bill 2007 which Museveni had to stay after the country and more especially Buganda region almost caught fire.


    Buganda Kingdom had countered his manoeuvres by launching a campaign to sensitize her people over land dubbed Central Civic Education Committee headed by Betty Namboze. The regime brutally reacted by arresting top Buganda kingdom officials including Betty Namboze before closing down the CBS radio station in 2008. The regime then went ahead to incite Bibanja Holders against landlords where by in Bugerere a landlord was attacked and burnt alive.

    In 2003 Museveni set up a Land Task Force headed by Capt. Gertrude Njuba at the State House Directorate of Land Matters to help the so called Bibanja Holders (bonafide occupants). Most intriguing was that the officers under that department reported to different offices i.e. to the Permanent Secretary in the President’s Office, to the State House Controller, and to the Principal Private Secretary to the President.

    Another Land Protection Squad under Maj. Jacob Asiimwe was also put in place to ‘protect people under the threat of eviction’. The Police also set up a Land Protection Unit. When Museveni signed the Land Amendment Bill into law in February 2010, many so called bonafide occupants of land jubilated in the hope that they were now having protection from illegal evictions. However, a year later reports indicated that it was the police, State House, Ministry of Lands, the so-called investors, and other top government officials who were at the forefront of land grabbing.

    The land grabbers carried letters on State House letter heads bearing the signature of Museveni, the First Lady and were being escorted by the RDC Wakiso, Dan Kaguta and the police. The 1998 Land Act S.41 (i) had provided for a Land Fund. The Minister was supposed to ensure its establishment within one year. However, in 2011 the Auditor General’s report observed that 11 years since the Land Act had come into force, the Land Fund had not been operationalized.

    In May 2012, the government through the Ministry of Internal Affairs threatened to deregister OXFAM, Uganda Land Alliance, and a group of sixty local and international NGOs working on land reforms over accusations that they had harmed the name of the President of Uganda. In their October 2011 report, these NGOs indicated that over 20,000 people in Mubende and Kiboga had been brutally evicted from their land to give way for a forest plantation by an investor, NFC.

    On 7th February 2013 cabinet approved the National Land Policy after Museveni had personally chaired all the six cabinet meetings that discussed the same. The policy goal was to “ensure efficient, equitable utilisation and sustainable utilization of land based resources for poverty reduction, wealth creation and overall social and economic development. Most intriguing is a section in the land policy that involves refugees thus; “…. cross border population movements are frequent as a result of conflict, ecological and environmental stress or interactive accommodation among cross border communities sharing common heritage and culture.

    A significant proportion of these populations sometimes end up being classified as either refugees or internally displaced persons. Government will negotiate protocols for the reciprocal treatment and settlement of mass cross border movements.” As of now, Uganda is hosting over 1.2M registered refugees let alone the tens of thousands of others who fall in the category of the so called cross border population movements.

    In May 2013 Museveni froze the Land Unit under State House that had been headed by Capt. Gertrude Njuba. Instead he put in place a Land Committee to protect the rights of peasants from evictions. It was headed by the then Minister of State for Lands, Iddah Nantaba and consisted of among others UPDF’s Capt. Mugarura and a one Katootyo of the Police Land Protection Unit. At the same time, he launched the Land Fund meant to help peasants buy land from landlords.

    It was also to help government buy land from landlords for redistribution to bonafide occupants and resettlement of landless people. During the launch, Museveni had this to say; “…. if there are genuine capitalists, this is a good deal for them. If the peasants are paid good money, they will free up the land to genuine developers especially near towns and they will seek resettlement elsewhere.” This is a classic example of Museveni’s grand design to push Ugandans into urban centres as their land is taken over by his so-called capitalists. The Land Fund was operationalized and it has mostly benefited regime cohorts and ‘Museveni’s people’. In February 2017 State Minister for Lands, Namuganza was fighting with her boss, the Lands Minister, Amongi over control of the fund.

    In February 2014, the IGG wrote to the Minister of Lands suggesting a government commission of inquiry into issues of alleged fraud in the land sector. She complained that many of her recommendations were being ignored by technocrats in the Lands Ministry. In April 2014 Museveni returned 217 Land Titles to Buganda Kingdom land with a strong caution for the Kingdom not to evict tenants settled on that land. In June 2015, elderly women of Amuru in northern Uganda protested by stripping naked against the regime’s ploy to steal their land.

    In July 2015 then Lands State Minister, Nantaba disclosed that wealthy people including high ranking army officers involved in illegal land evictions across the country were plotting her downfall in the February 2016 polls because she had attempted to frustrate their land grabbing schemes. Indeed, during the NRM primaries, she almost lost her life and had to contest and win as an independent candidate.


    Museveni dropped Nantaba from the Lands docket and in June 2016 while handing over office, she told her successor about a clique of mafia groups including top police officers and army generals who are determined to gobble up the entire land sector. She said; “…. some people including UPDF Generals would forcefully evict people and turn around to demand compensation from the Land Fund.” She went further to disclose that highly placed government officials including ‘men in uniform’ fraudulently acquire land tittles and evict the poor people from their land.

    That they fraudulently acquire land in project affected areas in order to demand exaggerated compensation thus crippling government projects. Museveni tactically handed the Lands Ministry to a Langi, Betty Amongi from the Obote family in order to torment the Baganda whose land he was targeting.

    In July 2016 during the regime retreat in Kyankwanzi, it was resolved that the Land Act be amended to allow the government to start projects on private land while negotiations with the owners for compensation are ongoing. Consequently, in August 2016 the Minister of Lands announced plans to amend Article 26 clause 3 of the constitution in order to provide for government taking over private land without compensation.

    She went ahead to announce that there would be suspension of issuance of Land Tittles on public land for three months and creation of a committee that would address the rampant land evictions and creation of a government land registry by having all its land surveyed and demarcated. Further, that her ministry would examine the effectiveness of the law, processes of land acquisition, land administration land management and land registration. Obviously, Museveni intended to use the Commission’s findings to nationalize all land issues.

    The entire country rose up in arms to condemn the planned move. Dr. Besigye in particular wrote a long missive calling upon Ugandans to resist land take over by government. The most vulnerable, Buganda Kingdom, embarked on registering all its tenants. The regime got concerned and using a one Male Mabirizi, the Kabaka was dragged to court to challenge his ownership of land.


    The regime had intended to rely on the 1965 Land Acquisition Act whereby government could compulsorily acquire land for public good after fully compensating the owners except in the event of disasters and emergencies. However, the matter had been settled in October 2015 when the Supreme Court had upheld the ruling of the Constitutional Court in Ashman Irumba Vs Age and UNRA that S.7(1) of the said Act was unconstitutional and in contravention of Article 26 of the 1995 Constitution. Court added that moreover planned government projects do not fall under the exception of disaster and emergencies.

    The said Irumba had had his land taken possession of without compensation during the upgrading of the Hoima-KaisoTonya road. The regime panicked and in December 2016 Museveni announced the appointment of a Land Probe Commission headed by Catherine Bamugemerire. As a way of buying time, it was sworn in on February 19th 2017 and it was not until May 3rd that it started its work. According to the terms of reference No. 4, the Commission is supposed to investigate, inquire and solicit views on the role of traditional, cultural and religious institutions who own large tracts of land with occupants in a bid to enhance better landlord/Tennant relationship. It is supposed to submit an interim report to the President within three months from the date of its first hearing and to finish its work within six months.

    Earlier on, Buganda Kingdom through its Land Board had launched a scheme to save the vulnerable Bibanja Holders on its vast land by granting them leases of 49 years dubbed “Kyapa Mungalo” (Land Tittle in your hands). That way, Buganda Kingdom intended to increase the value of land occupied by these Bibanja Holders so that they may not easily be lured into selling to the ‘regime capitalists’.

    The regime vehemently opposed the idea and embarked on an underground campaign of undermining and misinformation. In May 2017 during the inauguration of the Land Probe Commission, the Lands Minister, Amongi questioned the mass land Titling by Buganda Kingdom. She asked the Commission to focus on the Buganda Land Board mass Titling campaign. The regime’s skepticism was uncalled for because a resolution to offer lease to all interested Tennant’s on the kingdom land had been passed in 1994 and about 20,000 leases had already been issued out.

    In late June 2017, the Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Lands convened a meeting of governments departments, Ministries, and agencies directly involved in the implementation of major infrastructure projects to brainstorm on how to popularize the impending Amendment of Article 26 of the Constitution. Those in attendance were the PS Ministry of Energy, the ED KCCA, UIA, UNRA, SGR, and Rural Electrification Agency. Under the proposed amendment, the government would take possession of private land and proceed to use it whether or not the owner is satisfied with the compensation offered.

    The amendment goes ahead to suggest that the value of compensation would be that as determined by the Chief Government Valuer and that it would be deposited in court or any other competent authority the market value of the said property pending determination by court or any other competent authority.

    Around mid May 2017, leading opposition leader, Dr. Besigye launched a campaign dubbed “My Land, My Life” meant to raise awareness to the masses on the plans by the regime to take their land. His inaugural public address in Isingiro was foiled when the police blocked and arrested him. He rightly predicted that Museveni would set up a purposeless committee but would still go ahead to acquire the land by manipulating the constitution.

    Since the Land Probe Committee commenced its public hearings on May 8th 2017, it received an overwhelming turn up by members of the public lodging complaints. As it progressed, it became clear that the usual suspects; the presidency, the police, the army and other top regime cohorts were increasingly getting publicly exposed. No wonder, on 7th July 2017 the Commission announced that it was “taking a technical break” due to lack of funds and promised to resume if and when the funds would be availed.

    The police last week announced that it was suspending the operations of Court Bailiffs and other stakeholders from clearing warrants/orders related to land/property until new guidelines are communicated. Court Bailifs are quasi officers of court and are also regulated by court. For the police to suspend their activities, it is daylight undermining of the independence of the judiciary.

    Museveni is determined to dispossess Ugandans of their only left wealth and pride, land. Under the guise of nationalising land, he is to have a small section of ‘his people’ owning all the land as Ugandans are hoarded in urban centres with their remains buried in public cemeteries (Rimbo) under urban authorities. That way future generations will not be able to trace their roots. That will be the final phase of his systematic destruction of Uganda and Ugandans. His highly treacherous scheme can only be foiled by having him kicked out of power now and not tomorrow.


    Like the 2016 Mbabazi election petition, the #AgeLimit debate favors Museveni

    When Museveni lost in the February 2016 elections, he resorted to a military takeover but remained worried about legitimacy. Luck fell when Mbabazi who had been allotted 130,000 votes and came third after Besigye’s 3.5M and Museveni’s 5.6M, opted to go to court. The court ruling in favour of Museveni has since then become his only source of legitimacy.

    He is now faced with another hurdle of the constitutional age limit of 75 years. At the next polls in 2021, he will be beyond 75 years hence he has to amend the Constitution to either scrap the age limit or extend it to one hundred and seventy-five.

    In August 2016 Museveni used the Nakifuma M.P, Kafeero Ssekitoleko to table a private members bill seeking to amend the Constitution to scrap the age limit. The move was rejected by the House which ruled that government should line up and present all the articles to be amended in one shot. The big question is why bring up the issue of age limit now when we still have three and a half years to 2021 when the next general elections are to be held?

    The simple answer is that by Ugandans debating Museveni’s age limit now, it helps overshadow his illegitimacy that arose from the February 2016 military takeover. It creates an impression that he is accepted as the legitimate president of Uganda and that the only impediment to his presidency is the age limit.

    The Speaker of Parliament tasked the Attorney General to clarify on the matter and he made it clear that the regime has no such plans. If the Speaker had been serious she should have asked the Minister of Justice, Gen. Otafiire who had broken the news. Earlier on during the burial of Ssebana Kizito, Otafiire disclosed that the matter would be dissolved by Parliament. Alternatively, the Speaker should have asked M.P Abriga who is being fronted by the regime to recklessly market the move. Most intriguing is the fact that even the three regime youths who were arrested by the regime police at Makerere University as they protested against the Age Limit bill could have been stage-managed.

    Their leader, Rutaro is the same person who led the move to block Gen. Kalekyezi from being prosecuted over gross human rights violations at Makindye court. In Mbarara, the university students who carried a coffin bearing Museveni’s portrait with words “REST IN PEACE MUSEVENI” were brutally arrested by the police and are held incommunicado as the police chief pitches camp in Mbarara. The chest thumping by some pro change Ugandans following the AG’s statement was uncalled for because nothing has been achieved. At the right time, Museveni, will constitutionally remove the Age Limit in the same way he did with the Term Limit.

    Therefore, Ugandans shouldn’t be diverted into being preoccupied by the Age Limit debate instead of consistently focussing on the unfinished business of the February 2016 military take over. Moreover, lifting of age limit is not such a big deal for Museveni. He does not derive his powers from the Constitution but from the barrel of the gun.


    Museveni is responsible for causing the flight of refugees

    In order to improve his international profile, attract donor funding, cover up for his dictatorship, attract forex, blackmail the west and to prepare ground for destabilizing the region, Museveni is running a scheme to host millions of refugees from the neighboring countries of South Sudan, DRCongo, Rwanda, Burundi, Somalia, Ethiopia and Eritrea. Save for Ethiopia and Eritrea, in all the rest of the countries Museveni is responsible for causing the flight of refugees. Unfortunately, the international community has chosen to keep a blind eye on this. His scheme is succeeding as he recently hosted a high-powered refugee summit to raise funds that attracted even the UN Secretary General.

    However, his fake reputation as a provider of ‘safe haven’ for refugees is being unmasked by his own inner circle cadre army Generals. The Minister of Security, Gen. Tumukunde and the Inspector General of Police, Gen. Kalekyezi are involved in a low intensity power struggle. Their bickering has helped bring out a number of behind the scenes rot in the police force to the public domain. Those Ugandans who feel that Gen. Kalekyezi is a liability to the country, have opted to go to the court of public opinion after satisfying themselves that Museveni is fully behind the police chief. That way they don’t aim at pressurising Museveni because he can’t be pressurised but are instead trying to expose the rot. The most recent revelation relating to kidnapping of refugees is damaging Museveni’s ‘refugees’ safe haven scheme.

    Around late last week, it became public that a one Ali Kabanda, former member of the notorious police killer squads had run to Museveni seeking both legal and physical protection from Gen. Kalekyezi who is allegedly plotting to kill him for his withdrawal from state sanctioned kidnapping of Rwandese refugees. He went ahead to disclosed how he was officially in a police squad that would hunt down, kidnap and forcefully return Rwandese refugees to Rwanda “to be killed.” He went ahead to reveal that the kidnap syndicate was a well organised network stretching to Uganda’s borders with Tanzania and Kenya from where abducted refugees are safely transited to Rwanda through Uganda.

    He further revealed that Rwandese security agents headed by the 1st Secretary at Rwanda Embassy in Kampala, a one Ismail Baguma are actively enjoying state protection in the kidnappings. The whistleblower who wrote to Museveni on 12th May 2017 gave him a two weeks’ ultimatum to act or else he (Kabanda) was to flee into exile. It is over a month now and it is most likely that Museveni was not impressed, was unmoved and ignored the appeal thus the option to go public. However, what is clear is that the information about kidnapping of refugees is 100% accurate but as the source admits he has been meeting Gen. Tumukunde thus the motive for going public can be inferred.

    Kidnapping of Rwandese refugees in Uganda is not news. In July 2010 1,700 Rwandese refugees were violently and forcefully returned to Rwanda from Nakivale and Kyaka refugee camps. During the violent and brutal round, up two refugees died and 25 others were seriously injured. In December 2011, a Rwandese Journalist and refugee in Uganda, Charles Ingabire was shot dead in Kampala. Around the same time another refugee, Pascal Manirakiza was kidnapped. Col. Kankiriho and Lt. Col Geoffrey Buryo of CMI were implicated in the kidnap and forced return of Rwandese refugees.


    In August 2013 attempts by the police to kidnap and forcefully return a one Joel Mutabazi to Rwanda was foiled at the last minute as he was about to be bundled in a Kigali bound plane at Entebbe airport. Around the same time two other refugees, Emmanuel Kaliisa and Pascal Manirakiza went missing in Uganda.

    Three months later the same Joel Mutabazi who had earlier been Kagame’s close bodyguard, was kidnapped by the Deputy CIID chief, AIP Joel Aguma and handed over to Rwanda. Shortly before the incident, in order to ease the kidnap, the police withdrew all the VIPPU personnel who had been providing him security under the UNHCR. The Kampala regime as usual pretended to shed crocodile tears by issuing statements condemning the incident and ‘suspending’ Joel Aguma but nothing was done to this day. Museveni’s son, Gen. Muhoozi was also implicated in the kidnap of Rwandese but the SFC came out to vehemently deny this.

    Early this year there were reports that Uganda was harboring Rwandese dissidents. We reacted by publishing an article titled; UNDERSTANDING THE ALLEGED MUSEVENI/KAGAME FRESH FALL OUT. We argued that with Gen. Kalekyezi at the helm of the police and intelligence, Rwanda has a leeway to neutralize such plans in Uganda. Kidnap is a capital offence in the criminal law books of Uganda. Under international law, kidnap and forcefully returning a refugee is a crime against humanity. In 2013 Col. Fenekasi Mugyenyi kidnapped a Congolese refugee, Col. Eric from Kampala and was only rescued at the Uganda/DRC border in Arua as he was being ferried to DRC. Col. Mugyenyi was charged with misconduct instead of kidnap before the Court Martial and later set free marking the end of the story.


    For the whistleblower, Ali Kabanda, thanks for the job well done in exposing the rot. However, he shouldn’t expect any protection from Museveni because he approves whatever Gen. Kalekyezi does. Instead, Kabanda should expect the worst to happen to him for being ‘undisciplined’.

    In 2001 the then Director of Records, Maj. Sabiiti Mutengesa was persecuted into exile in the UK for unearthing the creation of ghost soldiers by top army Generals.

    In 2005 Sgt Gitta Musoke appealed in vain for Museveni’s protection over persecution for the reports he had made over ghost soldiers in the Congo military expedition in 2003.

    In April 2014, the then DPC Nansana, AIP Kirumira Muhammad was framed and arrested after he revealed that the rampant armed robberies in Kampala were being masterminded by the big shots in the Police including Directors.

    The former Deputy Army Chief, Gen. Charles Angina was axed after he persistently embarked on sanctioning probes in billions of shillings lost in fake ministry of defence contracts. The 2015 76b shillings construction scandal was conclusively investigated but instead Museveni axes Angina and assigned Engineer Badru Kigundu to carry out a fresh probe and that was the end of the story.

    In June 2016, ASP Steven Mugarura submitted to Museveni a damming report of how top police bosses including Directors were behind a wave of robberies in the country. Instead, Mugarura is undergoing untold persecution.

    In March 2017 Museveni simply acknowledged that the police were infiltrated by criminals and pleaded with Gen. Kalekyezi to clean it up. Shortly after, he renewed his contract.

    During the ongoing land probe, it was discovered that a certain Kenyan, Ambrose Murunga Wekesa, formerly with Kenya Police, had been using the police in Nakaseke district to violently evict 100 Ugandan families from the 255 acres of Mailo Land he had acquired. Murunga had been hired by Gen. Kalekyezi as his Technical Advisor and was visibly active during the brutal suppression of Opposition protests in Kampala. Other than Uganda, where else can a foreigner grab land, assault and detain citizens???

    For all those who still doubt that Gen. Kalekyezi serves Rwanda’s interests, over to you.


    Ponsiano Lwakataka is a reknown motor rally driver who in 2011 lifted Africa’s most prestigious championship, the Pearl of Africa Uganda Rally. His wife and brother are also rally drivers. Before taking up motor rallying, Ponsiano had been a fish monger and has continued to deal in fish export trade from Uganda to Congo and Tanzania.

    On 18th January 2013 in Kyebe Rakai District, unknown assailants attacked the home of Pastor Mugambe killing him together with eight of his family members. The police as usual swung into action arresting and detaining and releasing different local residents as suspects.

    In February 2013, the Police chief instead deployed 200 extra policemen in Rakai to help investigate the murder and fired six police officers from service over negligence. It even failed to establish the motive of this heinous crime. It instead made a blanket statement to the effect that Pastor Mugambe had been involved in questionable deals with one of the serial killers.

    This particular murder opened the floodgates of a series of murders that rocked the region months later. By June 2013 a total of 35 people had been killed in Masaka, Lwengo, Rakai and Sembabule and 25 of these were in Rakai alone. Locals and leaders demanded for the resignation of some officers for failure to stop the murders. They demanded that the police chief should visit the area to explain the killings. During the commissioning of a newly built police station at Kalegero in Lwengo, the Police Chief disclosed that the Pastor Mugambe murder case was ‘complicated’ but added that the police had good leads.

    In March 2013 at Kyanti village, Kyebe Sub-county in Rakai district, Ponsiano Lwakataka is alleged to have resisted arrest by the police which wanted to impound his suspected immature fish consignment. In March 2014 Lwakataka was alleged to have assaulted a police officer, Mikidadi Kabiito attached to Sanje Police post in Rakai when he attempted to impound his trucks that were allegedly carrying immature fish from Kasensero. The police opened up charges of inciting members of the public to beat up the said police officer.

    In July 2014 Ponsiano Lwakataka was involved in a scuffle with the army and Fisheries Officers in Kasese as his trucks carrying immature fish were being impounded. After a brief shoot out, he managed to escape. He was arrested from Kampala and transferred to Kasese where he was charged with assault and trading in immature fish and remanded at Mobuku Prison. He reappeared at the court and was granted bail by court but the Police Flying Squad re-arrested him and took him to Rakai to face charges of assaulting a police officer and inciting violence and remanded by the Grade One Magistrate of Kalisizo.

    In August 2014 when he reappeared in courts and was granted bail, he was rearrested and slammed with fresh charges of the January 2013 murder of Pastor Mugambe. He was remanded in Masaka prison. Together with his co-accused, they were remanded by the Magistrates’ Court.

    In September 2014 Lwakataka was committed to the High Court for trial in the murder of Pastor Mugambe and was remanded to prison where he spent one year and four months. It was alleged that he had hired some people to kill Pastor Mugambe. One of his co-accused, Asuman Muddu pleaded guilty to killing Pastor Mugambe and eight of his family members. He had made an extra judicial statement at the police that together with his colleagues, Zzinda and a Tanzanian, Fangesi had been hired by Lwakataka to carry out the murder. He further revealed that they had been promised 30 million shillings but Lwakataka only paid them two million and refused to pay the balance. Muddu was convicted and sentenced to life imprisonment on 9th July 2015.

    During the trial of Lwakataka in August 2015, the state produced the convicted, Asuman Muddu to pin Lwakataka. However, Muddu made a U-turn and instead informed court that he had been coached by the police to falsely implicate Lwakataka. He narrated that while in detention at Nkoma police cell in Lwengo district on charges of attempted house breaking, he was approached by a police officer who promised him a lot of benefits in return. During the same trial, The O.C CIID of Kalisizo, Twaha Ssemanda without substantiating, told court that Lwakataka and Pastor Mugambe had been involved in a 500M shilling cocaine deal but had disagreed on sharing the proceeds.

    In December 2015, the High Court in Masaka acquitted Ponsiano Lwakataka and his co-accused, Emma Zzinda of murder charges. The state neither attempted to rearrest them as is usually the case nor to lodge an appeal. In November 2016 Lwakataka sued government for malicious prosecution and sought for a 40B shilling compensation. Two weeks later, the family of the slain Pastor Mugambe petitioned the DPP and the Chef Justice challenging the acquittal of Lwakataka and accused the police of ‘obstructing’ investigations.

    In January 2016, the last accused, Vincent Fegansi informed court that in August 2013 he had been convicted for illegal entry and sentenced to one year imprisonment or a fine of 300,000 shillings. That he attempted to sell his Black Berry phone so as to raise the fine. In February 2016, the High Court in Masaka acquitted the Tanzanian, Vincent Fegansi.

    In January 2017, URA attempted to intercept a Fuso lorry carrying Lwakataka’s fish in Mbarara. His driver abandoned the truck and escaped and URA officers hired a driver to drive it away but Lwakataka appeared from nowhere and allegedly drew his pistol on the truck driver before he took to the wheels.

    After a long chase, in which the Police deflated his truck tires, he was arrested and taken to Kabwohe, Sheema District. The DPC is alleged to have released him on Police Bond. Later on, the IGP blamed the police for releasing him before ordering for the rearrest of the DPC, SP Mubangizi and Lwakataka. Shortly after, the IGP announced the revocation of Lwakataka’s gun license and set free SP Mubangizi. Lwakataka faced charges of threatening violence.

    In March 2017, his wife and brother were arrested after being found in possession of immature fish. When Lwakataka had gone to pick his wife and brother from court in Masaka town after they had been granted bail, he was brutally arrested by soldiers and whisked to the Masaka police station. At the time, the army at the Mechanised Brigade in Masaka had impounded two truck loads of immature fish which they suspected belonged to Lwakataka.

    On 19th March 2017 while speaking at the Virgil of slain police commander, Andrew Kawesi, Museveni told mourners how the police was protecting criminals. He went ahead to give the example of Ponsiano Lwakataka whom he described as a killer who had killed people in Rakai but that the police deliberately compromised evidence in his favour. He went ahead to say that the criminals killing people in Uganda were coming from Congo. He declared thus; “we shall kill or capture them if they don’t want to die they should surrender.” Ponsiano Lwakataka has mustered the Congo route, established contacts and a chain of fish stores inside Congo.

    Last week, the army’s Fisheries Protection Unit (FPU) in Kasese under the command of Capt. Isaac Ewaga shot at a Toyota Noah car deflating its tyres and a single bullet in the stomach instantly killed Ponsiano Lwakataka’s driver, Aklam Musajja. The deceases father of two who left an expecting widow was buried in Kabwohe, Sheena. The Toyota Noah heading for the border town of Mpondwe was carrying boxes of fish. The fish boxes were marked with names of different owners from Kalangala district.

    Using the list of names found on boxes, the head of the FPU, Maj. James Nuwagaba led an operation in Bufumbira Sub County, Kalangala district to arrest the suspects. Having failed to register the cooperation of the local council leaders, he went ahead to set ablaze the makeshift structures, boats and property of all fishermen in the area. The operation extended to nine other landing sites. Ponsiano Lwakataka is on the run and the army believes he is hiding in Kasese area.

    Ponsiano Lwakataka grew up in Kyotera and in the 1980s and 1990s he was actively involved in cross border legal and illegal trade mostly in fish. Basing on the experience he had gained in defensive driving through being chased by law enforcement agencies during smuggling escapades, in 1999 he ventured into motor rallying. He made great success in this industry but did not abandon dealing in fish.

    The regional fish trade is mostly between Kalangala district and Congo. The trade route passes through nine districts from Kalangala to the border with Congo. All these districts are manned by different law enforcement agencies who get bribed by the fish dealers. District Fisheries Officers are bribed to a tune of 500,000 shillings for the clearance of a single truck and supplying of information pertaining to law enforcement deployments.

    In some cases, the route is characterised by violent confrontations between law enforcement agencies and the dealers. Many traders in Masaka, Rakai and Kalangala deal in fish trade to Congo but Lwakataka has outwitted them because of his extra ordinary bravery, shrewdness and daring in the face of danger. Also, while other fish traders take the fish from fish mongers and pay them after selling in Congo, Lwakataka would first pay the fish mongers half of the buying price and top up the balance upon return from Congo.

    There is rivalry among the top fish traders and very senior army officers are reportedly backing different rival groups. When soldiers arrested Lwakataka from court premises in Masaka in March 2017, it was the two conflicting army groups at play. It was show of force between the pro Lwakataka military group from Kampala and the Masaka Mechanised Regiment based group.

    Lwakataka has also distinguished himself as a leading Route Manager. A Route Manager is a big fish dealer who transports fish to the market in Congo for a number of small fish traders. With a cost of 1,700 shillings per kg of fish transported, a shrewd Route Manager like Lwakataka can pocket about 100M shillings per month. Such money is enough to fight off any disruptions on the route by bribing army and police officers and to buy influence among top security managers.

    Route Managers have connections with top security officers as godfathers. Lwakataka has made a name as a Route Manager who never fails to deliver fish to the market across the border. Among the other Route Managers from Kalangala to Congo is Robert Asiimwe, Hajji Abdul Numba (not clear if he is Numba the Chairman of Banyarwanda in Masaka) and Fulfensio Kavuma (formerly of ISO).

    For Museveni, whose survival during the time he was fighting the UPC government in the early 1980s depended on cross border smugglers and masters of the lake, Ponsiano Lwakataka is a potential threat if any wise Ugandan opted to tap into his bravery and experience. More so, the geographical routes (Lake Victoria and Congo) he has mastered are a source of concern to Museveni’s security estimates.

    Above all, Ponsiano Lwakataka has never paid allegiance to the regime like all other celebrities and successful business people but he has instead remained independent. What is equally worrying is Lwakataka’s extra bravery and courage to physically bully security officers. In Museveni’s own words; “…. he is putting his finger in the anus of a leopard” and will have to pay a heavy price sooner than later.


    President Iddi Amin issued a decree outlawing wearing of wigs

    On February 1st 1974 President Iddi Amin issued a decree outlawing wearing of wigs. He argued that it makes “our women look un-African and artificial”. On the same day, women were banned from wearing trousers. On June 5th 1974 he issued another decree outlawing wearing of miniskirts that are more than three inches above the knee line. Iddi Amin (pictured being greeted Princes Elizabeth Bagaya who is donning a pair of shots, has been severally criticized for banning miniskirts during his so called dictatorial reign.

    In April 2013, the President Yoweri Museveni government tabled a bill that sought to outlaw indecent dressing and in particular, miniskirts, as one of the behaviors deemed pornographic. The Minister of Ethics, Fr. Lokodo argued that the bill targeted “irresponsible” women wearing clothes above the knee in public because they are “hurting the moral fibre of Uganda.”

    Last week the Ministry of Public Service issued a directive on the dress code for Public servants. Females are required not to wear tight clothes, skirts and dresses that are above the knees while men are to avoid tight trousers. The government argues that public officers were dressing indecently during the execution of their duties. The circular that carried the directive threatened stern disciplinary action for noncompliance.

    All African dictators resort to such trivial draconian administrative measures to divert the attention of their citizens from their failures, repression and dictatorship. Going by the dress code circular, Museveni and his wife (pictured above in tight trousers at a campaign rally in 1980 and in mini-dress in 1979 respectively) can be said to be the patrons of the so called indecent dressing in Uganda. Six years later in 1986, they took over leadership of the country and have occupied State House for 31 years now.

    To what extent did their indecent dressing background help in making them oppressive? Anyway, there is no cause for worry as Museveni will very soon do the usual needful, undoing the Public Service directive in order to get cheap popularity.

    The country, under Museveni’s tyrany can’t talk about indecent dressing when in March 2015 elderly women (pictured above) in Amuru stripped naked in public while protesting against land grabbing by the regime. They blocked the road that was being used by the notorious and treacherous former Internal Affairs Minister, Gen. Aronda and Lands Minister, Saudi Migereko. The curse from that incident still haunts the regime.



    Majority of Ugandans abroad were born and bred in Uganda, both their parents were born and bred in Uganda, both their paternal and maternal grandparents were born and bred in Uganda. So, how the hell do they not become Ugandans the moment they acquire dual citizenship, and are,therefore, required to pay huge amounts of money to become Ugandans again. Its really laughable, to say the least, and more laughable that organisations such as UNAA, are the ones organising the issuing of dual citizenship certificates. Actually,the $450 charged for dual citizenship is relic of a ‘money-making’ scheme than anything else.I am suspicious of what appears to be a widespread desire to milk money out of Ugandans abroad, and its disgusting. So disgusting!

    Nobody likes being segregated,because that’s how it feels like for Ugandans with dual citizenship, basing on the ignorance of some legislators. Yes, its pure ignorance because the dual citizenship law as it is, smells of ignorance of those who passed it.We should stop labelling Ugandans abroad in any way. Issuing them certificates is totally ridiculous. Born in Ireland, the (English) Duke of Wellington never liked to be called an Irishman. His rebuttal — “When somebody was born in a stable, that does not make him a horse.”

    Secondly, passports are documents in the name of a head of state asking that their subjects be granted protection in a country outside their jurisdiction.They have been around since the 19th and 20th century. So, I find it odd that again Ugandans abroad are charged different passport fees(renewal and lost passports) in comparison to those at home.This is the segregation and the money making scheme i’m talking about, and it should stop. There should be standard fees for all passports!


    Mike Mukula first ventured into mainstream politics in 2001

    Flight Captain Mike Mukula first ventured into mainstream politics in 2001 when he was elected the Member of Parliament (M.P) for Soroti Municipality in Teso region. Immediately after, Museveni appointed him Minister of State for Health. He came to the limelight when he became the patron of the Arrow Group – a local initiative of vigilantes from Teso region who helped the army to defeat the LRA incursion in that region in 2003. The group was mainly comprised of mainly former rebels of the Uganda People’s Army (UPA) that had abandoned rebellion and joined rebellion in 1991.

    Intelligence reports reaching Museveni at the time indicated that Mike Mukula was nursing ambitions of vying for the presidency. In May 2006 Museveni dropped him from his cabinet and the following month the commission of inquiry into mismanagement of Global Fund to fight Malaria, TB and AIDS released its report with among other recommendations that the culprits (Mukula inclusive) should be prosecuted. The theft of 1.6b shillings had also involved the then Minister of Health, Gen. Jim Muhwesi, State Minister Dr. Alex Kamugisha, and Alice Kaboyo, who doubled as museveni’s in-law and Private Secretary. As Mukula’s presidential ambitions became more open, a year later Museveni decided to act on the report of the commission of inquiry. A combined force comprising of police, Military Police, and regular soldiers arrested Mike Mukula and dragged him straight to court that remanded him to Ruzira Prison on charges of abuse of office. Later on Gen. Muhwezi, Dr. Kamugisha and Alice Kaboyo were also arrested, charged and remanded and they were all granted bail by the High Court. Following a series of petitions in both the Constitutional Court and the Supreme Court, criminal proceedings were halted.

    During this period Mukula went ahead with his presidential ambitions. He expressed dissatisfaction with the Museveni regime in a secret meeting with top officials of the USA Embassy. During the meeting he told the diplomats that Museveni’s popularity was dwindling within his party and that he was grooming his son as his successor. He went ahead to advise that he should not impose his son on the party and the country before warning that such a move would have a backlash. He went ahead to disclose that he was advocating for the restoration of presidential term limits and that NRM’s support in Buganda was dwindling.

    In March 2012 the four accused big shots withdrew their appeal. The trial resumed in June 2012 before the Anti-corruption Court. Immediately upon resumption of the trial, on 12th June 2012 Alice Kaboyo changed her mind and decided to plead guilty for theft of 250m shillings. She was convicted and sentenced to two years imprisonment with an alternative of 20m shillings fine. She paid the 20m fine and was let off the hook. On 18th March 2013, court concluded the trial by acquitting Gen. Muhweezi and Dr. Kamugisha of any wrong doing but found Mike Mukula guilty as charged. He was sentenced to a mandatory four years imprisonment for theft of 261m shillings and made to refund it after it was discovered that out of the 263m shillings he had given the 54 million to the First Lady under unclear circumstances. Mike Mukula cried foul alleging that his conviction was politically motivated and that he was a victim of selective prosecution.

    As had always been the practice, a high powered delegation from Teso region comprised of Bishops, M.Ps, elders, cultural leaders and others met Museveni and appealed to him to set free Mike Mukula. Museveni told them that he couldnt twist the law to grant freedom to the jailed Mukula. However, he promised to pay for his legal fees and indeed 100m of the tax payer’s money was given to Mike Mukula for his legal fees. During the same meeting, Museveni went ahead to lecture members of the delegation over Mukula’s luxurious lifestyle. He said “……..knowing the dangers of people who love who love soft life, the NRM made it a philosophy and enshrined it in its constitution, the distaste for people who love luxury as they often ignore people’s affairs.” At the time, Mukula owned six planes and a chain of business enterprises. Two months later, in March 2016 the High Court quashed Mukula’s conviction and he was set free from prison.

    After realizing that his presidential ambitions were a matter of life and death, in May 2015 Mukula announced his retirement from politics. In an extensive interview with The Monitor, he indirectly attacked Museveni’s continued hold on power thus “…..it is always right to come out of politics when you are still popular, not to be chased by the people.” He bitterly and courageously confirmed the views over the Museveni regime that he had shared with the diplomats at the USA Embassy in 2001. He went ahead to declare that he had dropped his presidential ambitions thus “…….we agreed that we have one presidential aspirant that we would like to support as the NRM flag bearer and that is President Museveni”. In a turn of events, Mukula went ahead to retain the NRA Vice Chairmanship for Eastern region.

    In November 2015, Mike Mukula offered his helicopter for Museveni’s election campaigns. During the early days of the elections campaigns in the eastern region, the helicopter would fly at all the Museveni rallies. By mid December 2015, Museveni’s campaign team and security detail were uncomfortable with Mukula’s dominance at the campaign rallies. His helicopter was was branded a security threat to the president. By mid January 2016, Mukula and his helicopter were totally absent from Museveni’s campaign rallies. When violence broke out in the Rwenzori region immediately after the elections, Mike Mukula self assigned himself as the mediator between the protagonists – Bakonjo and Bamba cultural leaders. He put himself in the line of fire when he contradicted the regime by publicly stating that the violence in the Rwenzori was not ethnically motivated. He was later accused of falsely claiming that he was sent by Museveni to organise national inter-religious prayers for the violence in the Rwenzori yet the regime was selling the ethnic version of events. It was later reported that Museveni had ejected Mukula from poking his nose into the Rwenzori affairs. During the regime’s Central Executive Committee meeting at State House, Museveni branded Mukula a conman for masiqurading as his envoy in the Rwenzori region violence. He reportedly advised Mukula that the Rwenzori violence was a security matter before advising him to leave it to the security people.


    Museveni shares one thing in common with his African strongmen

    Museveni shares one thing in common with his African strongmen peers, that is insatiable greed for power to control people, resources and primitively accumulate wealth.

    Certainly, their fate is bound to end in bursting their belly; Sani Abacha ate all the oil in Nigeria until his belly burst.It said the Nigeria’s former military ruler had accumulated upon his death in 1998, over $4.3bn held in personal and proxy bank accounts in tax havens as diverse as Switzerland, Luxembourg, Jersey, and Liechtenstein. His wife Maryam was caught trying to flee the country with 38 suitcases stuffed with cash and his first son returned $1.2 billion to the Nigerian government in 2002.

    According to African Union report, the collection of all these African strongmen hemorrhage the continent with up to loss of more than $50bn every year in illicit financial outflows.

    A step back home in Uganda, another fraudulently imposing president Yoweri Kaguta Museveni has taken greed to another dimension. Besides controlling power, all the resources, state institution and micro managing all the levels of society, he is pushing through a very unpopular constitutional amendment which will grant him the absolute control of all the land resources in the country.
    The paradox is that he is constitutionally prohibited from seeking the same position of the fountain of honor come 2021 when he is officially over the age cap of 75 years. The aggressive stance he has put to have the people deprived of the land ownership for all intents and purposes is a vivid a sign of someone not ready to relinquish power come 2021.

    Therefore I predict he will eat until his belly burst open if we Ugandans don’t put a speed governor to his insatiable greed.


    what being a teacher means

    We were the first to be locked down but you have tried to portray us as nothing, but Heheheheeee! We are gonna show you what being a teacher means! We are going to teach you a lifetime lesson!
    1. You gave out posho and beans, BUT teachers were NOT on your list and you ATE them
    2. You promised us Radios and TV BUT you ATE the money.
    3. You promised face masks BUT you gave out fake masks because you ATE the money meant to solicit for the standard ones!
    4. You hoodwinked us that you had given us 22 billion to cater for all affected teachers BUT you also shamelessly ATE that money! Yiiiiiii bisajja mwe!!
    5. You are always pretending to be pitting us a lot about our plight BUT you have resorted to portraying us on media , with a lot of ridicule mbu we are desperate by showing all the petty jobs we have turned like making bricks, attending to rabbits making chapatti, selling charcoal etc!! All this meant to continue portraying to the entire world mbu how badly off we are!!
    Ever since March 20th 2020 when schools were officially closed,
    (a) TEACHERS have Survived without your posho and beans for almost a year!
    (b) TEACHERS have Been switching off your boring and impractical lessons on your stupid radios and TV stations
    (c) TEACHERS have been manufacturing their own classic face masks and have never gone to MoH to beg for any mask!
    (d) TEACHERS have been surviving and will continue surviving with or without your dirty 22 billion, after all, ever since you ate that money there is no any teacher who has died of embezzlement! Silly you!
    (e) TEACHERS don’t mind about how much you portray them to the public on your biased media! Mind you, teachers ever teach practical lessons to their students, so making bricks and rearing pigs is far better than stealing from a coffin of a Covid victim!! So relax, we are doing better than before!
    Therefore, a #CONGRESS_OF_MODIFIED_TEACHERS have resolved that they are going to EAT YOUR CHILDREN the moment schools resume, oba this year oba 2040, it is up to you! (Now some sick minds are racing to interpret this according to their own wicked brains)
    (a) Instead of teaching for 80 minutes per lesson, we shall teach for only 15 minutes! We shall EAT YOUR CHILDREN’S #LESSON_TIME ! We shall be busy attending to our bricks, gardens and piggery!
    (b) No more extra time for your children mbu consultation! We shall be busy in the evening along roadsides trying to make chapatti and frying chips and chicken. We shall EAT YOUR CHILDREN’S #EXTRA_TIME ! We used to waste a lot of time trying to attend to the family members of thieves!
    (c) On Visitation Day each parent will be attended to electronically! We shall be conversing on social media with you about your children’s progress, as long as you pay for our data! We shall EAT THE #CONTACT_TIME ! Temutusembelera!
    (d) Stop making noise to us mbu your children are not getting 1st Grade or Principal passes! Why not ask the TV and radio goons who know how to teach! We shall EAT YOUR CHILDREN’S MARK SHEETS! Who paid our tuition at campus #mulyoke_mutwepankileko ?!
    (e) When any of your children misbehaves at school, get prepared to come and pick him or her and take your in-born products, school is not a place for #vampires ! We shall have no time for counseling your kids! #Nanyini_mufu …..! We shall #skin_your_born_lumpens_alive if they dare misbehave! Twakowa abazadde abatalina mpisa!!

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