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For the last 31 years Uganda’s military dictator has systematically been executing a scheme of deliberately impoverishing Ugandans as a way of subduing them into submission to his life presidency. When he took over power 31 years ago, he found a vibrant farmers’ cooperative movement that had been established in the 1960s by the first UPC government. Due to their highly democratic and locally autonomous nature cooperatives had a strong role in reducing poverty and social exclusion, and promoting rural and national development. Alongside the cooperative societies, there was the Cooperative Bank. When Museveni came to power he moved to destroy whatever had been initiated by the UPC government including the cooperative movement. First, he destroyed the Cooperative Bank as a result of deliberate government interference, inside lending and failure by the central bank in its supervisory role and it died in 1998.
The collapse of the Cooperative Bank meant that cooperative societies could no longer access low cost loans in form of crop finance to continue purchasing maize, coffee, cotton and others from the farmers. Masaka Union has set up a plant to process pineapple juice closed in 1989 before Ministry officials sold off its properties. Busoga Cooperative Union owned commercial and residential properties in Jinja town that were later sold to individuals, a coffee processing plant in Namulesa and a cotton ginnery in Kaliro that were sold to ‘investors’. Its only the silos at Masese that remained. The other cooperative unions like East Mengo, Acholi, Nyakatonzi, UCTU Bunyoro Growers, Banyankole Kweterana Cooperative Unions and their umbrella organization, Uganda Cooperative Alliance suffered the same fate. The farmers were left helpless in bargaining good prices for their produce but were instead left at the mercy of unscrupulous produce buyers. Consequently, the collapse of the rural economy led to increased poverty levels in the countryside that led to rural-urban migration in search of unavailable jobs.
The haphazard privatisation of state owned enterprises that supported production and marketing coupled by the elimination of civil servants who provided extension services resulted in income inequality and an increase in poverty. NYTIL, Lint Marketing Board, Coffee Marketing Board, Uganda Transport Cooperative Alliance, Cooperative Bank, Uganda Commercial Bank, government Stock Farms, and others are such examples. Under the cover of reforming the Agricultural sector, the National Agricultural Advisory Services (NAADS) was established by an Act of Parliament in 2001. Over the years, poverty and food insecurity ensued. For the last two decades now, Museveni has been pretending to fight household poverty through a number of fake intervention measures.
First was the Plan for Modernisation of Agriculture (PMA) – a holistic strategic framework for eradicating poverty through a multi-sectoral interventions to enable people improve their livelihoods. It came as a central element of Uganda’s poverty eradication strategy – a key to enabling the rural population to improve their livelihood and ensure food security through changing subsistence agriculture to doing farming as a business. Increasing agricultural output in itself was not be enough but lack of value addition hampered access to regional and international markets. Eventually, NAADS and PMA proved ineffective as unscrupulous middlemen exploited farmers who lost interest in crop husbandry. In 2009 the Minister of Trade announced that is was in the final stages of reviving the Cooperative Bank, purchase tractors and lorries for cooperative union members. Nothing was done and in 2016 the current Minister of Trade while commissioning an 80M shilling office block for Kyankwanzi Saving and Credit Cooperative Society, promised to the Cooperative Bank. She further promised that the government would first pay off the 13b shilling debt it owed to the ten cooperative unions.
As all the above manoeuvres were ongoing, Museveni was busy executing his long-term scheme of economically empowering his preferred pastoralist community at the expense of other Ugandans. He hasrepeatedly stated that since his school days in the late 1960s, he has been struggling for the economic empowerment of ‘his people’ – the pastrolists communities in the cattle corridor region of south western Uganda. He wanted them to acquire land and abandon nomadic way of life. During his Bush War, he evacuated the pastrolists communities from the war zone to safety. In late 1985 when the western region was under the control of his rebel NRA, he sent Kahinda Otafiire to Rwanda to procure animal drugs for the pastrolists communities as if that was the only item that general population lacked. Immediately after taking over power, he gave free land from Lake Mburo National Park and state and private ranches to these pastrolists communities plus cows bought from Tanzania. He established a special fund under State House to cater for he formal education needs of these communities. Over the years, juicy positions in lucrative government departments and agencies were preserved for the dominance of the same ethnic community. Consequently, they came to acquire the financial muscle that has transformed their economic wellbeing. It is against this background that in September 2014, Museveni told women leaders in Mbale that his successful strategy had eradicated poverty in Nyabushozi county and the neighboring areas. Note: This website analysed that assertion in a piece titled; IS
NYABUSHOZI A POVERTY ERADICATION ROLE MODEL?That economic empowerment led to increased appetite for more land outside Ankole. It has become fashionable for the Ankole pastrolists communities to acquire land in the Buganda areas of Mpigi, Kiboga,Luwero, Nakasongola, Mubende, Kayunga, Mukono, Masaka, Rakai, and Ssembabule. Tooro’s Kyaka and Kyenjojo have also been targeted. In Bunyoro, areas of Buliisa, Masindi and Kiryandongo have been the target. Most recent reports indicate that they have crossed the Nile River to Northern Uganda and West Nile in search of more grazing land. Museveni has systematically made it easier for their spread by fragmentation of the original district units so as to diffuse any form of united resistance to the newcomers. Further, by appointing in advance district heads of departments like RDC, CAO, DISO, DPC, Forestry and Land Officers makes it easy to suppress the indigenous people’s discontent in favour of the newcomers.
Elsewhere, when he took over power in 1986 northern and north eastern Uganda has vast cattle populations. Teso region in particular had an estimated 3M cows and the country’s only meat processing plant with a capacity of 2,000 cows per day. To ensure constant supply the UPC I government had also set up a number of government ranches around Lake Kyoga. Museveni’s NRA depleted the region of its cattle in the late 1980s. The then Brigade Commander, Matayo Kyaligonza would openly load stolen cattle on trailers and ferry them away to his farm in Hoima. The meat processing plant was completely vandalised and looted.
The NRA also failed to stop the Karamojong from rustling cattle to as far as Tororo, Apach and Pakwach thus the regions lost their cattle populations. The two decades of the LRA insurgency also indirectly contributed to depleting the regions of the residual cattle populations. Since the end of the insurgency a decade ago, Museveni has been haphazardly initiating sugar coated restocking programmes. It has become a political slogan whenever there is an election season. The state has lost a lot of money and resources in this direction without tangible results. In some instances, the Ankole cattle supplied to these areas at inflated costs could not cope with the change in climate and were a source of cattle disease.
In 1993 Museveni initiated the Diary Master Plan that culminated into the Diary Industry Act of 1998. Under the Act a Diary DevelopmentAuthority (DDA) was established and operationalized in 2000. With ahead office in Kampala, a regional office in Mbarara and an Analytical Laboratory at UMA Show Ground, DDA’s mission statement goes as follows; “To provide for diary development and regulatory success that will ensure increased production and consumption of milk, sustainable and profitable diary industrial sector that will contribute to development and international standards in Uganda.” It liberalised the diary sector, created a Diary Board and restructured the Diary Corporation into a commercial company. Since then DDA has rolled out programmes aimed at uplifting the standard of diary farming in Ankole.
It has attracted development partners like SNV – Netherland Development organisation which through The Inclusive Diary Enterprise (TIDE) has penetrated farmers’ communities with various innovations and packages designed to improve diary breed and genetic gain. Improved livestock nutrition (pasture and fodder cultivation), water and marketing of safe milk and milk products. It established Practical a € 9.48M Diary Training Farms (PDTF) innovation services to give farmers in S.W Uganda knowledge in diary breedings and genetic gain, pasture and fodder preservation and animal health. TIDE is supposed to run from 2015 – 2019 and is implemented in the districts of Mbarara, Kiruhura, Bushenyi, Shema, Isingiro and Ntungamo.
Funded by the Kingdom of the Netherland, TIDE aims at improving household incomes, house nutrition and creation of job opportunities through a Climate Smart Agricultural approach. It supports individual farmers and cooperatives in acquisition of tractors and tractor implements for pasture cultivation and preservation, fixed and mobile spray races for tick control, milk parlours, dam liners for water production, and fencing. It gives training in cooperative governance, financial management and business and development services.
Under the SNV School Milk Programme, 65,000 pupils from 150 primary schools in that region are taking milk. The programme is implemented in partnership with DDA, Ministries of Education and Health. In December 2016, the Minister of Education, Mrs. Museveni, advised parents in Uganda to buy food flasks for packing hot lunch for school children. She further argued thus; “Someone who has given birth or is still gibing birth and says he can not pack lunch for children is useless.”
During the last election campaigns, Museveni directed the PrimeMinister to ensure that a budgetary provision of 18M for the procurement of handheld hoes for distribution to six million households. A few months later, the same Museveni was handing over brand new tractors to diary farmers in the S.W Uganda districts of Mbarara, Kiruhura, Mitooma, Sheena, Ibanda, Ntungamo, Lyantonde, Isingiro, and Ssembabule. The tractors were to harness production of milk in those so-called Cattle Corridor districts. During the same occasion, Museveni told them thus; “I have given you the tractors free of charge but you must pay something for their maintenance.”
By end of 2016, total investment in milk processing amounted to US $80M (288b Ug shillings). DDA put the value of marked milk at US $ 700M (2.5 trillion shillings) by end of 2016 having increased from US $ 500M at end of 2015 owing to value addition investment in processing. Some 18,506 farmers founded Crane Creameries Cooperative Union (CCCU) targeting collection centres to sell milk collectively to processors in Mbarara and are in the process of setting up their own facility which will have its own brand of product. The following milk processing facilities have been established in the region:
1. Fresh Diary Ltd – 49% shares owned by government. Though based in Kampala, it purchases 560,000 litres per day from the cattle corridor.
2. Pearl Diary Farm Ltd – purchases 500,000 litres of milk daily.
3. Amos Diaries Ltd – owned by Museveni buys 400,000 litres of milk daily. In 2016 it received a financial boost from VOXTRA fund of Norway for powdered products for export to Asian Market.
4. VTD Timosi Diaries Ltd owned by Museveni’s son-in-law, Odrek Rwabwogo – buys 50,000 litres of milk per day. It produces and distributes the Milkman brand introduced in November 2016 using a boost of US $ 13M from the Israel based Vital Capital Fund.
5. JESA Farm Diary Ltd owned by the late Mulwana is found in the central region and utilises 100,000 litres of milk per day.
6. Dembe Distributors for Snowman Ice Cream.
7. Mega Milk
8. Brookside Diary Ug,
These companies buy a total of 1.4 litres of milk daily. 1.4b litres of milk is sold on the local market annually and only 30% is processed. These products are everywhere in supermarkets, retail shops and airlines that leave Uganda. The export market value is expected to increase to US $ 80M from the current $60M – attributed to the youth involvement in commercial diary production. With such huge household incomes coupled by the grabs from the different public offices held by different family members is what prompts Museveni to say that
Nyabushozi is a poverty eradication role model.In May 2017 Heifer Uganda launched a pilot-testing diary micro-leasing model in Omoro and Gulu districts. Heifer International with funding from Japan International Cooperation Foundation is giving out exotic cattle to the people of northern Uganda. If successful, the program is expected to be extended to other neighboring districts. It aims at transforming the lives of 300 small holder farmers. The Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Trade and Industry, Ambassador Julius Onen supported it. Interestingly, the Minister of State for Agriculture, Animal Industry and Fisheries, Joy Kabatsi vehemently argued that Gulu was not conducive for exotic cattle. She remarked; “This is great news to me, but as a Minister I don’t think that northern Uganda’s weather is good for exotic cows, have you dine enough study to find out where the water is going to come from.” Yet, Dr. Tinny Kidega a Veterinary Doctor and MD of Gulu Uganda Country Diary Farm (GUCD) owns a twenty heifer diary farm (pictured) located 10km north of Gulu town that produces 300 litres of milk daily. It is a model diary farm with a research and training facility. It was voted the best farm in 2015 in a competition sponsored by KLM, Vision Group, Dutch Embassy, and DFCU Bank. During the same year, it received the Platinum National Award for best milk by DDA. Therefore, Minister Kabatsi’s doubts were meant to discourage the people of northern Uganda from venturing into diary farming because that way they would find value in their land hence resist land grabbing.
During the recent state of the nation address, Museveni dwelt a lot on diary farming and declared plans to recapitalize Uganda Development Bank so that such farmers could access loans. He emphasized that in the USA only 2% of the population is involved in farming. This website analyzed that address under the tittle; MUSEVENI’S STATE OF THE CATTLE
ADDRESS.Therefore, Museveni is bent on promoting the land grabbing by ‘his’ pastoralist communities for the establishment and domination of commercial diary farming. Forget about the cows from NAADS and the long-awaited restocking of West Nile, Teso and northern Uganda. Forget about the revival of Cooperative Unions because those who deserve them, already have them and very soon UDB will be funding them to buy ‘useless’ land from you.
Immediately after taking over power in 1986 Museveni and his top NRA officials embarked on land grabbing. The first casualty was the prime properties in Kampala and other urban areas in the country. Actually, the earliest disagreements amongst themselves arose from the sharing of these properties. After exhausting these properties in urban centres, they embarked on the vast government and privately owned land in the countryside. Initially it was land in the cattle corridor region of Buganda but with the coming on board of infrastructural projects like roads and oil, areas of Bunyoro, West Nile and Acholi have been targeted. In Buganda, it is now very common to find whole parishes renamed according to the new owners i.e. at General, Brigadier, or Colonel so and so’s ranch. In some cases, top regime cohorts use other people as fronts to acquire huge chunks of land.
In April 2005, Museveni put in place a Military Land Board (MLB) and appointed Gen. Joram Mugume Kanyaruhara as its Chairman and deputised by Col. Arthur Musinguzi. This MLB became another tool for land grabbing on top of the Uganda Land Commission (ULC), District Land Boards (DLB), the Aidah Nantaba Land Committee (LC), the Police Land Protection Unit (PLPU), the Gertrude Njuba State House Land Desk (SHLD), and others. The army is one of the entities that hold big chunks of land. Above all, security forces have been at the center of land grabbing and under the cover of establishing security installations, Museveni has been able to grab land.
Earlier in 1990 the Ministry of Defence through the NEC bought a vast ranch from Hajji Sulaiman Kiwanuka of Kabulasoke in Gomba district. Later on, Museveni just turned it into his personal property by renaming it Kisozi Ranch.
During the 1990s his young brother, Gen. Saleh was accused of using his company, Divinity Union to grab 40,000 acres of land for sugarcane growing in Northern Uganda. He had a scheme of leaving people in IDP camps under the pretext of turning them into urban centres so that their land could be easily grabbed. In August 2001, the army brutally evicted people in Mubende to give way to a German investor in coffee on an 11 sq. km of land.
In April 2005 Gen. Jim Owoyesigyre of Air force grabbed 500 acres of land in Marya Sub County, Masindi after evicting 1,200 people. He claimed to have bough it at 30M shillings. During the same month, local residents of Ntooma village in Masindi district pounced on Lt. Geoffrey Taremwa of the then Presidential Guard Unit (PPU), tied him with ropes and beat him up after accusing him of being part of the group of soldiers who were up to grabbing their land.
In August 2006, West Nile district administration accused top army officers of grabbing land under the guise of setting up military camps to flush out alleged rebels. In April 2007 Gen. Oketta’s troops clashed with those of a State House top Aide, Harriet Aber over 3,500 acres of land in Gulu. The two groups of soldiers had been harassing and torturing locals over the disputed land which neither party legally owned.
Earlier in 2006, Harriet Aber had illegally acquired 10,000 acres of land after which she used soldiers to forcefully evict people in 2007. In October 2007 the then CDF, Gen. Aronda ordered officers at Kabamba Barracks to remove their pastoralist friends and relatives whom they had assisted to encroach on the Barracks land. Around the same time, Uganda Land Alliance presented evidence of security officers in the army, ISO and Police siding with the nomadic pastrolists (Balaalo) in grabbing land. This is what later on prompted Museveni to deploy Gen. Ssejusa to diffuse the armed Balaalo issue.
Around 2008, the army in Arua Municipality evicted residents without compensation from land at Angafio a.k.a Israel Quarters. Around August 2008, the then CDF while addressing the National Universities Guilders Presidents Council denied that army officers were involved in land grabbing but promised to arrest any of them who would be implicated. He urged the youth to support the then Land (Amendment) Bill.
In March 2009, the army ordered local residents to vacate their ancestral land at Natalya village in Entebbe. During the same month, Air force personnel demolished a perimeter wall constructed by a private developer near Katabi barracks in Entebbe. The army simply ignored police summons over malicious damage to property.
In August 2009, the Army’s 409 Brigade in West Nile moved to grab a piece of land located between Arua district headquarters and the army barracks. The district council had allocated it to the Ministry of Lands for the construction of the district land office. In August 2009, while addressing a stakeholders meeting at Nebbi, the Security Coordinator for oil exploration region, Col. David Kaboyo disclosed thus; “…..I have reliable information from some sources that some army officers are frequently grabbing people’s land in Amuru which lies in the oil belt.”
In the late 1990s the army took over a 6.3 acre piece of land belonging to Mulago Hospital and used it to house its military intelligence unit (CMI). In 2010 top army Generals sold the same land to property Mongul, Shudir Ruparelia.
In 2011, at Namaswa village, Mubende district, the army violently evicted over 20,000 local residents after burning to death an eight ear child from land the regime claimed to have leased to a foreign company, New Forest for pine and eucalyptus plantation.
In August 2011, Maj. Luciano Baluku Binobino forcefully grabbed Kasese District land near the airfield. In April 2012 ISO’s Maj. Herbert Muramagi deployed truckloads of armed soldiers in Kisukuma Parish, Kigorobya Sub county, Hoima District to evict 80 families of local residents from their 1,205 hectare piece of land. At that time, Maj. Muramagi was the Director of Maritime and was responsible for Security around Lake Albert. Like other top regime cadres, he rushed to acquire land in the oil rich Bunyoro for future prospects.
Around 2012 Gen. Moses Ali used the army backed by police and Game Rangers to violently evict 6,000 local residents from Apaa that had allegedly been leased to a South African investor.
In July 2012, the Army’s Luwero Industries and Nakasongola Complex evicted over 100 local residents of Kasenyi village in Lwampanga Sub-county in Nakasongola district from their 50 acres piece of land.
In August 2012, the army at Ssingo training School moved to expand by forcefully evicting local residents of Kapeeka from 300 acres without compensation. In August 2012, the army violently evicted over 270 families from Bukuya, Mubende district to give way to gold mining, AUC Mining owned by Gertrude Njuba who heads the State House Land Desk as a front for more powerful regime officials.
In September 2012, the army moved to take over 100 acres of land from the Bukalasa Agriculture College in Luwero under the guise of constructing a military national referral. Eastblished in 1922, Bukalasa has been doing research, training and overall development of the Agricultural sector. Unfortunately, even Gen. Katumba Wamala who is a graduate of the same college was behind its land grabbing.
In late 2012, Gen. Tumwine grabbed and fenced off public land in Kyabahura in Kazo which Kiruhura District Council had reserved for developmental projects.
In September 2013, soldiers brutally evicted over 1000 local residents from land at Bunjako village, Buwama sub-county in Mpigi district and in October 2013, Gen. Aronda threatened to revoke the licences of civil society organisations operating in the oil producing areas after accusing them of sabotaging oil drilling. This is because they were enlightening the locals on land rights.
In January 2014 the army’s 5th Division forcefully evicted local residents from land that formerly housed Acholi Pii Refugee camp. In June 2014, Army officers were cited in an attempt to grab a portion of Mulago Hospital land. In July 2015, the then Lands State Minister, Aida Nantaba disclosed that high ranking army officers and regime officials were behind the illegal evictions from land throughout the country. During the same year, part of the 36 Sq Kms Kaweweta army school land (which formerly belonged to East Mengo Growers Cooperative Union) was given out to a Turkish investor. She went further to disclose that the same people were plotting her downfall and indeed Museveni dropped her from cabinet.
Around 2015, a Kampala businessman, Geoffrey Karugira was used by powerful regime cohorts to acquire 420 acres of land before using armed soldiers to violently evict residents from Nabika village in Nakaseke district. In July 2016, the army at Kimaka in Jinja was embroiled in a row with locals over attempts to grab titled land belonging to two 14 year old local schools in the neighborhood, St. Monica Secondary school and Guardian College. In March 2015, Brig. Phenehas Keitirima was embroiled in a property scandal when he attempted to forcefully evict two local residents of Lyantonde Town Council from their property.
Around March 2017, during a consultation meeting at Nakaseke Town Hall, Maj. Kakooza Mutale accused MUSEVENI of backing “powerful in the army and government who are grabbing land from the powerless.” He had been tasked by Museveni to investigate land grabbing in Bakaseke.
In March 2017, Gen. Angina helplessly ordered Capt Bashaija off the 32 hectares of land belonging to NARO in Mbarara. In April 2017, Museveni ordered for the giving out of 50 acres of Mubende army barracks land to a Turkish investor for agro-processing. In May 2017, local residents of Lungula and Got Apwoyo villages in Nwoya District were subjected to harassment and torture by soldiers before being violently evicted from their ancestral land by a State House top Aide, Harriet Aber and Gen. Charles Otema.
In June 2017, a one Milly Namutebi used armed soldiers under the command of Maj. Herbert Kigambwoha to violently evict 3,000 local people from 3 sq kms of land in the 16 villages of Butologo subcounty, Mubende district.
In July 2017, the army connived with private surveyors to cut out 200 acres from the 36 Sq miles of land allocated to Kaweweta barracks by Uganda Land Commission. The cut out piece was shared by army officers and politicians in Nakaseke district. In August 2017 a top army General was accused of grabbing land belonging to Aqua Coolers at Namanve Industrial Park.
The above list is just a tip of the iceberg. Therefore, the army and security forces in general have been and continue to be at the forefront of land grabbing. Both the individual top security chiefs and the regime use the institution of security forces as a means of dispossessing Ugandans of their land.
When Museveni took over power in 1986, he inherited a vibrant public service and sound government infrastructure. It’s only the army that he had successfully dismantled. He came into office with a biased mindset that the officials manning the different government structures owed their loyalty to the previous regimes. He was therefore concerned over how to bring into the public service his regime cohorts. To overcome this hurdle, he went ahead to discard some statutory bodies like Lint Marketing Board, Coffee Marketing Board, UEB, URC, NYTIL, National Parks and Game Departments, Customs, Uganda Airlines, etc. and instead created new ones to run parallel to Ministries.
Consequently, over 40 statutory bodies have been created during his 31years’ hold onto power. These agencies and authorities have been attracting huge funding from both the central government and external donors. Museveni has been the sole appointing authority for the top executives of these agencies who in turn have been recruiting and firing staff as opposed to the public service standing orders. Museveni has directly been sending individuals to these agencies to be employed as top and middle cadre staff and that is why they are dominated by people from his home region and a few regime cohorts from other regions. The mode of recruitment has been based on patronage – ‘who knows who.’
Their salaries and emoluments are high above the salary structure of mainstream public servants. The Executive Director of URA’s monthly salary is equivalent to the monthly salary of 12 Doctors in a government hospital while the salary of a driver in URA is equivalent to the monthly salary of three Doctors in a government hospital.
These agencies/authorities have been agents of theft of public money and land grabbing. The people from those tribes who are dominating them have accumulated immense wealth that will sustain them and their generations to come. The recent discovery by Ugandans that Museveni had dished out 6b shillings (US$ 1.7m) to a group of 42 public servants who are also among the best paid in the country, ignited a serious debate on wanton sectarian and patronage driven misuse of tax payers’ money. It brought into question the disparity in remuneration prompting Museveni to order for putting in place a Salary Review Commission. The agencies have always been more funded and facilitated than their mother ministries.
By making a sudden about turn and questioning their relevancy and efficiency, he is attempting to diffuse the rising tempers by pretending to do away with these agencies yet in actual fact he is intending to push his people who have been manning them into mainstream public service through the back door.
Most of these agencies and authorities have been involved in heinous crimes against Ugandans:
· NEMA has presided over destruction of wetlands
· NFA has facilitated the destruction of forests and land grabbing
· NDA is responsible for the lack of drugs in public hospitals
· UWA is reputed for stealing tons of ivory from their custody
· FIA is responsible for the chaos in financial institutions
· UIA is responsible for fake investors who provide the cover for landgrabbing and the list is endless.
It is these atrocities that Museveni is trying to cover up from public scrutiny and possible legal proceedings.
When the opposition leader, Dr. Besigye was rigged out of the February 2016 general elections, he threatened to form a parallelgovernment. He mentioned disbanding and restructuring of these bogus agencies/authorities which to this date remains top on his agenda. Somehow Museveni got to know about it and he is now trying to act smart.
The regime is financially bankrupt and on top of the money generated by the presence of refugees and the Somalia Peace Keeping Mission, it intends to tap into and take direct control of the external funding for some of these agencies.
Otherwise, if Museveni is serious with cutting the cost and ensuring efficiency, he would reduce the size of his over 75 Cabinet Ministers, over 400 Members of Parliament, over 130 District Commissioners, over one hundred useless Presidential Advisors, etc. Not to mention the sacks of millions of tax payers’ money that he dishes out at public functions. It is through the same method of creating parallel units that he has managed to undermine the performance of the armed forces and other security agencies.
Once again, Museveni has duped gullible Ugandans and they preparing to resume their deep slumber. By the time they wake up again, it will be around the next elections season and he will have prepared another doze of anesthesia. Moreover, at the end of the day his strategic agencies/authorities will remain intact.
Early this month, Museveni was at a local Anglican Church in Ntungamo where he excitedly claimed to have discovered his baptism records of 3rd August 1947. He remarked thus; “I thank God for the 70 years I have spent baptised because those are many years, and yet I am still strong.” He went ahead to reveal that his date of birth is September 1944 before further revealing that; “I was born at Mbarara Hospital when it was still at the current Municipal Council offices; it had not been shifted to where it is now. When I went back to look for my Birth Certificate, I couldn’t find it there. When I started asking old people they told me I was born in September 1944.”
The above revelation comes at a time when the debate over the lifting of the 75 years, constitutional age limit has gained momentum. As usual, gullible Ugandans jumped into conclusion that he is trying to circumvent that obstacle but forgot that being born in 1944 means that by the time of the next elections in 2021, he would be above 75 years. The big question is; what did he intend to achieve from this discovery?
Ever since he embarked on his Presidential ambitions more than four decades ago, his citizenship has always been under scrutiny. He claims to be a Ugandan of Banyankole tribe and a Muhima by ethnicity. During the 1980 elections, the Bahima in his adopted home of Nyabushozi branded him a Munyarwanda immigrant before totally rejecting him in favour of Sam Kuteesa of the D.P. When Museveni took to the bush for his guerrilla war he accorded preferential treatment to the Banyarwanda refugee fighters – a factor that was later on to breed a lot of friction within the NRA ranks.
Immediately after taking over power in 1986, he enacted an Anti-Sectarian law with the sole aim of deterring whoever would attempt to question the presence and dominance of Banyarwanda in the rank and file of his NRA. Shortly after, he repealed the citizenship law that required proof of ancestry as a qualification for Ugandan citizenship. Previously, one was required to prove that at least one of his/her grandparents had been born in what became Uganda prior to the 20th Century. He instead decreed that all one needed was to prove that he/she had been residing in Uganda for five years. The decree attracted a lot of public outcry that forced him to reverse the law. In 1994 while addressing a public rally in Gulu, students of St. Catherine Girls’ Secondary School publicly called Museveni a Munyarwanda; they shouted “…. look at him, he is a Munyarwanda proper.” Museveni retorted thus; “…these girls are saying I am a proper Munyarwanda. Maybe they bore me and they are in a better position to explain to us.”
In 1995 he succeeded in including the Banyarwanda to the list of indigenous tribes of Uganda making every Munyarwanda on planet earth a Ugandan. He did so in preparation of grounds for the central role the Banyarwanda were to take in his life presidency scheme. In May 1997, the then M.P Makindye, Hon. Nsubuga Nsambu at a public gathering warned Museveni against land grabbing by referring to him as a ‘Mujja na nyina’ (a kid who is already born at the time the mother gets married to another man). He was arrested and detained for two days and later charged with sedition but in September 1997 the charges were withdrawn. This incident marked the phasing out of the common reference to his young brother, Gen. Saleh as “Museveni’s half brother”.
All along, Ugandans have never interrogated as to why for many years Gen. Saleh had been referred to as Museveni’s half brother. The rumour had been rife that the young Museveni had come with his mother before she came to be married to Amos Kaguta who fathered Gen. Saleh. It was until he came to power that Museveni adopted the third name, Kaguta.
In 2009 Museveni amended the Citizenship and Immigration Control Act S.12 to provide for citizenship by birth for anyone born in Uganda whose parents or grandparents is or was a member of the indigenous tribes existing in and residing within the boundaries of Uganda as at the 1st February 1926, Banyarwanda inclusive. The amendment went ahead to grant citizenship to anyone born outside Uganda one of whose parents or grandparents was a citizen of Uganda by birth. S.4 (b) grants citizenship to anyone who has continuously lived in Uganda since 9th December 1962. S.14 (2) (b) grants citizenship to any person who has legally and voluntarily migrated to Uganda and has been residing in Uganda for at least twenty years on top of other requirements like a good command of the English language or ‘a prescribed local language’.
A further amendment under S.14 (1) (a) (ii) sought to eliminate Rwandese Hutu refugees from accessing citizenship thus; “…. every person born in Uganda who at the time of birth neither his/her parents and none of his/her grandparents was a refugee in Uganda.” At the time, Uganda was no longer a host to Banyarwanda Tutsi refugees but only Hutu and the few Tutsi who still come in as refugees are simply forcefully returned to Rwanda to face severe persecution. In the 2013 National Land Policy Museveni strongly condemned those who classify “cross border population movement as refugees or internally displaced people because of shared common heritage and culture.” Since then Rwandese Tutsi have been flocking different parts of Uganda under the guise of being nomadic pastoralist Balalo in a well orchestrated land grabbing scheme under the guise of the search for pasture.
There is growing debate over the immense powers wielded by Banyarwanda under the Museveni regime. The most current debate has been triggered by a revelation over how Museveni failed to attend university at Makerere University. It has been revealed that in the late 1960s Museveni failed to rise the required ten Graduated Tax tickets from his father. The then Central Scholarship Committee had that as a mandatory requirement to prove the applicant’s citizenship, belonging and locality since its only Ugandans who would pay that tax. The then President Obote is said to have attempted to influence the committee in favour of Museveni thus; “…. I want him to join Makerere University because he is one of my UPC Youth Wingers who qualifies but he can not meet the requirement of ten Graduated Tax tickets.” The committee is said to have stood its ground prompting Obote to send Museveni and four other youths to Tanzania’s Nyerere for help in having them study at Dar Es Salaam University.
On 8th November 2002 while addressing a three days’ regional integration symposium in Kampala, Museveni dismissed concerns of a conspiracy by some communities to create or revive a Hima/Tutsi Empire in the region. However, he disclosed that he “had learnt of the alleged conspiracy sometime back when Mwalimu Julius Nyerere when he sent me a message about it. Nyerere said that the conspirators were some communities in Uganda and Rwanda.” Museveni further remarked that; “It is true that there are communities in the region that go by those names or their variations. The Hima in Uganda, the Hema in Congo and the Tutsi in Rwanda.” On 29th January 2012, Museveni and Kagame convened a meeting at State House in Kampala with Banyarwanda in Uganda to iron out their leadership wrangles between Dr. Eric Kamuhangire (Museveni’s Senior Advisor on Culture) and tycoon Donant Kananura.
It is not by coincidence that Museveni has stuck to his guns in continuing to have Gen. Kalekyezi as his defacto Vice President despite his gross failures. In the mid 1950s, Gen. Kalekyezi’s father, John Kale stole 30 guns and hundreds of ammunitions that he intended to use against the government. He was arrested by the colonial authorities and deported to Rwanda. Who is fooling who!
On the morning of 15th August 2017, a joint army and police security operation blocked vehicles along the Isingiro-Mbarara-Masaka highways in which 95 Rwandese children and adults were netted. By the evening of the same day, all the 95 people had been ferried to the Uganda-Rwanda border post in two hired buses. The press was highly stopped in covering this operation. The army’s 2nd Division Intelligence Officer (I.O), Fred Mushambo said that the arrested lacked ID documents before adding that if they were to conduct a countrywide operation, thousands of Rwandese would be netted. However, other reliable sources indicated that the arrested and deported Rwandese had the required national IDs and entry coupons and that is why they could not be taken to court.
Why were these particular travellers of that day hastily targeted when, as put by the I.O, tens of thousands of Rwandese are illegally residing in Uganda? A look at their physical appearance (pictured) gives the answer. Could the victims have been fleeing gross repression and economic hardships in Rwanda? In some instances, it is a state policy for Rwandese to migrate in order to ease the pressure on limited land and other resources and Uganda has been the top most destination.
On 1st January 2014 Uganda, Kenya and Rwanda under the auspice of their Coalition of the Willing (COWI), entered into a pact that allows free movements of their citizens among their three countries. It allows for the use of their respective National ID documents as travel documents to be presented to an Immigration Officer at the border post who in turn issue a stamped coupon as an entry permit. Statistics show that at it’s inception (January 2014 – June 2015) by using ID/students Cards, 1.311,827 Rwandese travelled to Kenya and Uganda while a total of 256,691 Kenyans and Ugandans travelled to Rwanda during the same period.
Through the 1995 Constitution, Museveni recklessly granted Ugandan citizenship to all Rwandese. In pursuance of this golden opportunity, the Rwanda’s Constitution allowed Dual Citizenship to its people. On 10th April 2016, the then figurehead Minister of Internal Affairs, Rose Akol ordered Rwandese nationals holding Ugandan national IDs to surrender them. She said; “There is still a big number of Rwanda nationals possessing our national IDs; the high number of illegal immigrants has increased pressure on the economy.”
The Immigration Officer at Mirama Hill, Stephen Mutambi also disclosed that some Rwandans are using Uganda IDs to enter the country while others were using illegal routes such as River Kagera. He further said; “Apart from those that possess two IDs and are Ugandans, there are those using illegal routes like R. Kagera, especially when the water levels have reduced.” Why would some one take the trouble to use risky and illegal routes when there are no restrictions at the official entry and exit points??? Why would an immigration officer contend that “…those that possess two IDs and are Ugandans”!!!!! No wonder, the following month Minister Rose Akol was sacked because she had questioned the Rwandese possession of Ugandan IDs.
In January 2017 the police in Kabaale rounded up and deported eight Rwandese sex workers whom they accused of stealing from their clients. Since time in memorial Rwandese sex workers are renown for flocking into Uganda for sex business. It’s not by coincidence that last week it was reported that the police chief, Gen. Kalekyezi had hired sex workers at 200,000 to each of the 200 sex workers in order to boost his spy network.
Early this month 9,674 Rwandese in Uganda cast their vote in Rwanda’s general elections at the Rwandese Embassy in Kampala. Of these, 9,554 (99.08%) voted for Paul Kagame. These voters came from different parts of Uganda. Of course, many more tens of thousands of Rwandese who do not wish to be publicly identify as Rwandese did not show up.
On 4th August 2017 the army under Col. Joseph Balikudembe led an operation in Mubende to violently evict illegal gold miners. The army claimed that the mines had become a hub for illegal immigrants including Rwandese and their genocidal Interahamwe rebel group.
On 10th August 2017 a Rwandese National, Reno Rutagugira resident in Kampala was kidnapped and held by Uganda’s CMI operatives under Capt. Agaba. He is accused of having been a Rwanda government spy in Uganda who has been instrumental in hunting down suspected Rwandan dissidents in Uganda. The Rwanda Embassy has come out to say that the victim had lived in Uganda with his family since 2014 as a businessman and that he was being held by CMI.
Is it the Gen.Tumukunde and Gen. Kalekyezi power struggle at play or a resumption of the Kagame and Kaguta power ego of the Congo War? However, what is clear is that Museveni’s constitutional provision granting citizenship and the COWI free movement of citizens’ pact have come back to haunt him and the country at large.
Jamil Mukulu is a Ugandan, Muganda by tribe and a Muslim. He came to prominence in the early 1990s when as a member of the Tabliq sect became one of the outspoken Muslims over the role of Museveni in the killing of Muslims in Mbarara in 1979 and Butambala in 1983. In 1991 the Tabliq sect had had a bloody confrontation with Museveni’s security forces commanded by James Kaziini around the Old Kampala Mosque over Muslim leadership wrangles. Jamil Mukulu went into hiding until in 1996 when the ADF rebels struck western Uganda and Jamil Mukulu was alleged to be the leader of the group. With bases in eastern Congo, the ADF managed to survive and in the late 90s, it was about getting accepted in some parts of Bunyoro, Rwenzori and Ankole regions.
The rebel outfit is an alliance of a couple of rebel groups fighting the Museveni dictatorship notably NALU hence tagging it to Islamic fundamentalism is a wrong diagnosis. ADF is alleged to have carried out massacre of innocent civilians in both Congo and Uganda notably the alleged massacre of students of Kichwamba Technical Institute in western Uganda. Recently, it was linked to the spate of assassinations of Muslim Clerics in Uganda in which he is accused with others including the Australian based Cardiologist Dr. Aggrey Kiyingi who is intending to run for the Presidency against Museveni.
Arrest
Uganda had initiated an Interpol arrest warrant for Jamil Mukulu and the USA had placed him on a sanctions list. Around April 2015 Jamil Mukulu was arrested in Tanzania by the Tanzanian authorities on other grounds since it had not identified him as Jamil Mukulu.
Extradition
Extraction is a formal legal process by which persons accused or convicted of crime are surrendered from one state to another for trial or punishment. It takes place in accordance with bilateral treaties or multilateral conventions entered into by sovereign states. It is a form of international cooperation in criminal matters intended to promote cooperation in enforcement of criminal justice. However, any extradition law must contain appropriate safeguards for individuals where they would in the event of extradition suffer manifest injustice and oppression.
Many countries have domestic laws governing matters of extradition. In Uganda, it is the Extradition Act of 1964 that provides for matters of extradition. In Tanzania, there are three pieces of legislation that deal with matters of extradition thus:
– The Extradition Act Cap 368
It applies only where there is extradition agreement with the requesting country. It lists extraditable crimes i.e. Murder and the related offences, injury to person amounting to homicide, abduction, rape and similar offences, narcotics and drugs, damage to property, falsification of currency and similar offences, forgery, misappropriation, fraud, piracy, slave dealing etc. However, it gives exception if the extradition fugitive has committed crimes in Tanzania or is serving a sentence.
The Act strictly prohibits the extradition of political offenders. The request for surrender of the fugitive criminal is made to the Minister by a diplomatic representative or by a Consular officer of the requesting country. The Minister may signify a Magistrate that a request has been made and require him/her to issue a warrant of arrest and detention in respect of the fugitive criminal. However, if the offence is of a political nature the Minister may refuse and in the same regard, the Magistrate must adjourn the case and refer the proceedings to the Minister pending his decision.
– The Fugitive Offenders (Pursuit) Act 57
This Act arises from the East African Community (EAC). The Act enables Police officers of contracting states to pursue within Tanzania fugitive offenders from such countries. In this Act, extraditable crimes are those identified under the Extradition Act Cap 368. The requesting country must have reciprocal provision for it to exercise that right. Under the EAC treaty Article 124 (5), member states agree to enhance cooperation in handling of cross border crime and provision of mutual assistance in criminal matters, including the arrest and extradition of fugitive offenders.
– Mutual Assistance on Criminal Matters Act Cap 254
This Act arises from the Commonwealth member states. It provides for mutual assistance in criminal matters between Tanzania and any Commonwealth member state. There must be an existence of an extradition pact that binds them in the commonwealth family together with an arrest warrant from Interpol or from the requesting country.
In all the Acts, there must be a functional extradition treaty and the fugitive criminal offender is protected from extradition if the offences are of a political nature and not of criminal act. The criminal fugitive suspect has a right of appeal.
Uganda pushes for extradition
During May 2015 Uganda government lodged an extradition request for Jamil Mukulu through the Attorney General of Tanzania. The application seeks to have Jamil Mukulu extradited to Uganda to face charges of murder and aggravated terrorism. Attached to the application were indictment and affidavit of Uganda’s Senior Police Officer SSP Oludu Francis, the Uganda Criminal Procedure Act, a copy of Mukulu’s passport with picture and in names of Thomas Rwanga Musisi, arrest warrant issued by Jinja Magistrate court, Interpol arrest warrant, etc.
The matter is being heard by the Magistrates Court in Dar Er Salaam where the Attorney General of Tanzania is leading the petition. After a short delay for the Commissioner of Prisons to grant permission for Jamil Mukulu’s Lawyers to access him for an interview, his affidavit countering the extradition application is submitted. In his affidavit, among other arguments, he is supposed to argue that he will not get a fair trial in Uganda if extradited.
Uganda’s criminal justice system is incompetent
A recent report by World Justice Project (WJP) ranked Uganda amongst the worst performing countries when it comes to observance and upholding of the rule of law. It is the 95th out of 102 countries; 15th out of the 18 countries sampled in Sub-Saharan Africa and 12th of the 15 low income countries.
Scores and ranking was across eight categories among which is fundamental rights, government powers, regulatory enforcement and government powers. Launching the report, the Founder and CEO of WJP Mr. William Neukon said: “Effective rule of law helps reduce corruption, alleviate poverty, improve public health and education, and protect people from injustices and dangers – large and small.”
The government’s Human Rights Commission recently released its annual report in which the Army and Police were topping the rights violations. Illegal detention, torture, killing and maiming, and forced disappearances are the order of the day in Uganda under Museveni. In particular, illegal arrest and detention of Muslims of the Salaaf Sect to which Jamil Mukulu belongs for alleged links to rebel ADF is a decade old practice.
Victims are moved to various detention places where their families can not locate them. They are sometimes released without charges and Police often denies knowledge of their arrests. During a recent retreat of local government and intelligence officers at Kyankwanzi, Museveni expressed his disappointment with Police’s poor investigation methods accusing them of “not doing enough to interrogate suspects in the murder of Muslim clerics.” It has been widely reported in the local Uganda media houses that Museveni is irking to personally interrogate Jamil Mukulu once he is extradited to Uganda!
Since when did a head of State interrogate suspects or he wants to hold talks with him as earlier advised by Tanzania’s Jakaya Kikwete? Since government has not come out to deny it, it can be taken as the true. A case in point is the recent escape from illegal detention of five victims four of whom were linked to terrorism related charges. They had been held in the notorious Kireka based Special Investigations Unit (SIU) since 2012. The four Ugandan victims had been arrested from the Rwenzori and Bukwo region on suspicion of being linked to rebel ADF.
The fifth victim was a Rwandese senior army officer Brigadier Rutinywa who had been held for over two years without trial on suspicion of having illegally entered the country with the intention of destabilising Rwanda. In spite of the existence of an extradition agreement with Rwanda, the Brigadier was not handed over; leave alone his anti-Rwanda political activities for which he deserves protection.
Brigadier Tomas Kwoyelo
Is a former commander in the LRA rebel group who was captured in 2008. Like others before him who were even more senior, he applied for amnesty under the Amnesty Act. In 2010 the Amnesty Commission forwarded his application to the DPP for consideration. The DPP did not respond but instead charged him with murder. Kwoyelo petitioned the Constitutional Court seeking a declaration that he was being discriminated since his colleagues like Brig Kenneth Banya and others had earlier been granted amnesty.
The Constitutional Court ruled that he had indeed been discriminated contrary to Article 21 of the constitution. The AG appealed to the Supreme Court which in April 2015 ruled that Brig Tomas Kwoyelo should stand trial in the Internal Criminal Division (ICD) of the High Court arguing thus: “it is immaterial that other persons with similar circumstances to the application have been granted amnesty because each case is decided on its own merits.”
James Katabazi Vs Secretary General of EAC and AG of Uganda – 119 (EAC 2007)
The above ground breaking case highlights the sad picture of Uganda’s criminal justice system with regard to political opposition to Museveni’s military dictatorship. Katabazi was arrested in 2004 with others over allegations that they were members of the rebel PRA that had been linked to opposition leader Dr. Besigye. As usual they were detained without trial till 06 November 2006 when the High Court granted them bail but before they could get their freedom the regime unleashed armed commandos who surrounded the High Court, threatened the Judges before re-arresting the suspects and remanding them again.
On 11th November, the same suspects were taken to the Court Martial and charged with terrorism and illegal possession of firearms. The Uganda Law Society petitioned the Constitutional Court seeking a declaration that the act of re-arresting and charging the suspects before the Court Martial was unconstitutional. The court made a ruling in favor of the petitioners but the regime refused to comply thus the detainees petitioned the East African Court of Justice.
The respondents conceded the facts as pleaded by the petitioners but pleaded that the deployment of security at the High Court was meant to prevent them from escaping to resume rebellion and that their re-arrest was for purposes of ensuring that they answer to charges of terrorism and illegal possession of firearms before the court martial. The EAC Secretary General initially claimed ignorance about the incarceration of the claimants but was reminded by the claimants’ Legal team that under Article 71(1) (d) of the EAC treaty one of the functions of the Secretariat of which the SG is the head is to undertake either on his own initiative or otherwise of such investigations, collection of information, or verification of matters relating to any matter affecting the community that appears to it to merit examination.
Court ruled thus: “…. if is immaterial how that information comes to the attention of the Secretary General. As far as we are concerned, it would have sufficed if the complainants had shown that the events in Uganda concerning the claimants were so notorious that the 1st respondent (Secretary General) could not but be aware of them.”
The EAC had not concluded the necessary protocol giving the court jurisdiction to entertain matters of human rights. However, court reflected a bit on the objectives of the EAC as set out in Article 5(1) (2) and (3) on legal and judicial objectives. Article 6(d) rule of law – promotion and protection of human and peoples’ rights in accordance with the provisions of the African Charter on Human and peoples’ rights. Article 7 on rule of law, social justice and the maintenance of universally accepted standards of human rights. The court concluded that it would not assume jurisdiction but would not also abdicate from exercising its jurisdiction of interpretation under Article 27(1).
It ruled thus: “We on our part are alarmed by the line of defense offered on behalf of the government of Uganda which if endorsed by this court would lead to an unacceptable and dangerous precedent, which would undermine the rule of law.”
The petition succeeded but the regime in Uganda refused to comply and continued to hold the victims in illegal detention until some of them died in detention (Kifefe – brother of Dr. Besigye) and others sought Amnesty. Capt. James Katabazi – the lead petitioner died last week in a motor accident.
Conclusion
Jamil Mukulu if it is true that he was the leader of the ADF rebels was pursuing a political goal of dislodging the Museveni dictatorship. Therefore, he can not only be extradited but qualifies for Amnesty under the Amnesty Act like many others who have benefited after committing worst crimes in pursuance of a political goal. If Museveni manages to have Jamil Mukulu extradited from Tanzania by whatever means, it will set a very dangerous precedent for Ugandans who are struggling to free themselves from his 30 years of military dictatorship.
Unfortunately, because of the terror link, Ugandans have shied away from decampaigning the impending extradition of Jamil Mukulu yet they strongly believe he like other Ugandans can not get justice because of his political belief. This is not to tolerate impunity; and there is a high possibility that Jamil Mukulu may have committed the alleged crimes but he remains innocent until proved guilty by a competent and impartial court of law which is not present in Uganda under Museveni.
Since 2015 Uganda and Kenya trade relations have been dominated by the ‘sugar politics’. Kenya has persistently suffered a deficit whereby its local sugar production could not meet the demand. Uganda was cleared to export an average of 9,000 metric tonnes of sugar to the Kenyan market.
However, around late 2016 Kenya blocked Uganda’s sugar exports to the Kenyan market accusing it of exploiting regional trade agreements. Kenya claimed that Uganda was simply importing sugar from Brazil and Egypt which is repackaged before being exported to Kenya. Note: Kenya produces more sugar than Uganda but because of poverty, Ugandans consume less sugar than Kenya thus supply in Uganda exceeds local demand. In many Africa governments, affordability of sugar by individual households is a key barometer of an ordinary person’s wellbeing. At the height of the sugar price crisis, a kilo of Sugar in Kenya rose from Ksh. 200 (7,000 Ug shs) to Ksh. 350 (13,000 UG Sh.) and in Uganda it rose from 5,000 to 7,000. This disparity boosted smuggling across the Kenya-Uganda border.
For the last two years now, Uganda has repeatedly and vehemently denied the allegations of sugar repackaging and exporting to Kenya. In July 2017 Museveni ordered leaders of sugar producing districts not to grant any new licences to new sugar factories unless there is sufficient supply of sugarcane. He had earlier decreed that for any new sugar factory to be established anywhere it must be at least 50kms away from an already existing one. This directive was contested by out growers, prompting a bitter row with district leaders. They argued that the directive is unfair as it favours well to do sugar producers and not the ones trying to come in. Museveni is all out to protect the three traditional sugar producers who have sustained his 31 years’ stay in power. He warned that police would step in “to protect the territorial integrity of sugar factories” if his directive is not heeded.
Last week the proprietor of the newly established Atiak Sugar Factory, Amina Hersi Moghe accused the three leading sugar factories of illegal importation of sugar for resale in order to meet the demands. Her revelation corroborates the earlier argument by Kenya that Uganda was repackaging and exporting sugar imported from Brazil and Egypt. The Somali by origin, recently got a 64M shillings bail out from Museveni before he described her as “a gift from God to the people of Amuru”.
Coupled by her high level political, economic and social connections, the assertion is very credible. On the eve of the Kenya general elections, Raila Odinga told NBS Television that Uganda was exporting to Kenya the sugar it smuggles into the country through Somalia. Given the Museveni regime’s historical reputation of involvement in plundering and illicit trade wherever it has military expeditions, Odinga’s assertion could be true. The Old Airport at Entebbe, which is exclusively used by the army, has in the past played a significant role in aiding smuggling. We have heard of commanders selling arms, ammunitions, food and fuel supplies, training for Al-Shabaab etc. and why not smuggling?
After personalising the Army and Police, Museveni moved against the Prison Services. On 13th July 2017, we wrote an article titled; LOOMING CATASTROPHE AS MUSEVENI MOVES TO ‘PRIFESSSIONALIZE’ THE PRISON SERVICES. We highlighted that the regime functionaries will have free access to prisoners for torture and forces disappearance, the well-connected prisoners will be spending nights and weekends at their homes and that the regime will be able to detain people in prison without going through court.
Around mid last month an inmate at Kitgum Prison, Babylon Anywar was sighted riding a police motorcycle Reg. No. UP 4032 belonging to Kitgum Central Police Station. Shortly after, the same inmate was sighted attending an opposition FDC public rally in Kitgum town (seeboth photos).
On 22nd January 2017 we wrote another article titled; WHO WILL STOP THIS CARNAGE IN UGANDA PRISONS? We highlighted the growing trend ofprisoners dying in motor road accidents while being taken to work on private farms for hire. Last month one Prison Warder died on the spot while nine prisoners were seriously injured in Gulu district when a private vehicle they were travelling in plunged into a swamp in Omoro District. They were returning to Gulu from work on a private farm in Anaka. The carnage continues unchecked.
Hahahaha!!! Very interesting and accurate analysis. One minor detail you missed is that the very popular Tutsi man, Isaac Rucci, was called Isaac Kibirango, before, which is the Kiganda conversion of the Tutsi name, Rucibigango and he was the most popular member of the internationally popular Buganda based boy band group Limit X. And he passed himself off as a muganda and no one pays attention to a celebrity’s ethnicity. One reason it may be extremely hard to take down this Tutsi clique is that many of it’s current big wigs are former celebrities in Buganda, and that their ethnicity was never scrutinized closely until the rise of M7 and NRM after 1986 and the issue of foreign take of Uganda arose. Secondly, some Ugandan nilotic men are susceptible to some Tutsi chicks “waterlog” techniques. That’s how M7’s FRONANSA army was able to operate inside of Amin’s state research bureau without detection for almost 9 years, led by non other than, Saleh, JPAM and Rugunda. By marrying Nubian men in Amin’s government and bringing in “Tutsi men to master the gun”. So it’s not about forgetfulness. It’s about Ugandan stupidity and vulnerability, sexual , poverty related, “tricknology”, or carelessness or just plain stupidity and idiocy. And guess what, the Tutsis know it. And aren’t afraid to use it. Its very, very tragic and stupid, losing your country over sex, among other things.
Around mid last month news making rounds on local radio stations and newspapers in Bunyoro region indicated that Rwandese women were being allocated to Banyoro men for marriage. That after getting the woman of choice, the man is given 10 iron sheets, 50kgs of posho and 500,000 shillings as a start up incentive fund. The public suspects that the scheme is a planned move to grab land from Banyoro. Banyoro women planned a demonstration for fear of losing their men to Banyarwanda women. The Prime Minister of Bunyoro Kingdom Norman Lukumu and his Minister of Culture, Hajji Bruhan Kyakuhaire petitioned securitymanagers in Bunyoro to swing into action and investigate the matter.
Late last month, the RDC Masindi, Godfrey Nyakahuma dismissed the allegations with a warning that the false information amounted to ethnic incitement.
Its only in Uganda where there can be smoke without fire. However, its a fact that right from the time Banyarwanda Tutsi were refugees in different parts of the world, they used their girls and women not only for economic survival, intelligence gathering but also to influence positive opinion against their cause. Therefore, their current alleged marriage schemes in Bunyoro is corroborated by their established custom and tradition above. Bunyoro region has been targeted by Banyarwanda land grabbers under the guise of Balalo.
Another Munyarwanda, Prophet Elvis Mbonye is making gullible Ugandans lick his shoes. Born of Leo and Teddy Ntiru of Bugolobi, self styled Prophet, Mbonye claims to have paid a visit to Jesus. He claims that the visit gave him supernatural powers to make prophecies touching on local and international political, security issues. A close look at some of prophesies reveals that he is an average follower of current affairs and to a small extent shares intelligence estimates with Museveni’s Secret Services. This is corroborated by the huge monetary backing at his disposal and his heavy security detail (manned by Intelligence Officers) that is provided by the regime.
With now around 5,000 followers of a high social and economic status, Mbonye started his Zoe Fellowship Ministry in 2014. He initially operated from Hotel Triangle with quarterly conferences involving 100 of his followers. As his congregation expanded, he moved to an open house near Watoto Church on Buganda Road. Later, he shifted to Theatre La Bonita, then to Imperial Royale Hotel in 2015. In 2016 he moved to Aya Hotel where a single day’s fellowship would cost 54 Million shillings to cover venue, hiring of tents, public address
0system and hotel charges.Of recent he has moved to the more spacious Kyadondo Rugby Grounds. A few days ago, he organises a grand dinner in his honor at the Kololo Independence Grounds. Entry tickets went for one million to 300,000 Uganda shillings and was attended by the notables in the city. For Prophet Mbonye, it was an occasion to display his wealth and power of manipulation. He appeared at the venue driving a 2017 Black Range Rover with a customized number plate, ELVIS. He sat in a gold-plated sofa set from where his faithfuls paraded to lick his shoes with their tongues in order to get blessings. His church services take place only on Tuesdays and he spends most of his time at Good Coffee Africa at Lugogo Africa owned by Tycoon Andrew Rugasira who has close ties with Gen. Saleh.
The scene of a veteran Sports Journalist, Joseph Kabuleeta also licking Mbonye’s shoes has sparked a lot of furry. Kabuleeta is Money’s lead promoter and has suggested that the government can cut on cost of intelligence gathering by relying on Prophet Mbonye’s prophesies. He told The Observer thus; “In Uganda we have a Prophet with such credentials whose precision in predicting local, national and world events has been proven over the years. It is about time the nation’s decision makers saw this extraordinary gifts for what it
actually is; an asset to this nation.”Unfortunately, Joseph Kabuleeta is an opportunist who in 2003 when he was the Chairman of the Uganda Sports Press Association (USPA) lured /another mysterious money magnet, Mike Ezra for a USPA galla sponsorship. He was also actively involved with the same Mike Ezra aborted attempt to buy Leeds United F.C at US$ 60M. Therefore, the so-called Prophet Elvis Mbonye’s prophesies are stage-managed by the regime to hoodwink gullible Ugandans. Mbonye is a Kinyarwanda name and the other prominent Mbonye’s include
the following:
1. Dr. Ben Mbonye – former PS Ministry of Defence in Uganda and now
owns Nakasero Hospital.
2. Prof. Anthony Mbonye – Director General Health Services in the
Ministry of Health in Uganda.
3. Dr. Manasse Mbonye – the Vice Rector of the National University of Rwanda.
4. Ms. Lucy Bakyobe Mbonye – Museveni Principal Private Secretary.
5. Col. Herbert Mbonye – until recently was Deputy Chief of Military
Intelligence is now with AMISOM.
6. Dr. Julianne Mbonye – Gynaecologist at Nakasero Hospital.
Ugandans forget so quickly; the Kibwetere cult burnt to death more than 300 people and the regime had never released a comprehensive report. Then came the Prophet Bushaara cult that went into oblivion after they acquired free land. The regime has persistently used the institution of Born Again Churches and their Pastors and Prophets to weaken the mainstream religious groups while at the same time hoodwinking Ugandans. The other day, another Munyarwanda regime cadre, self styled Pastor Bugingo of House of Prayer Ministries set on fire 6,000 Holly Bibles of the King James Version. The police never took any action save for helpless individuals who filed a civil suit against Bugingo seeking for a temporary injunction. His bickering with Pastor Yiga of Revival Christian Ministries has now taken a new twist with UCC’s Godfrey Mutabaazi closing down the latter’s ABS TV station.
What about the senior police officer, ASP Gilbert Arinaitwe who attempted to kill the opposition leader, Dr. Besigye before he turned around to become a pastor and found a church where he and other police officers would purport to preach and perform miracles while dinning police uniform!!!!! Just last month, the police informed the nation that Gilbert Arinaitwe had been arrested over rape. We pointed out that this was a hoax and history will exonerate us. Even Museveni’s daughter, Patience Rwabwogo owns a church, Covenant Nations Church based near Uganda Breweries Ltd in Luzira, Kampala. During the service, the venue is secured by police fire fighting vans and the Presidential Special Forces Group.
Members of her church are the top executives and socially well-to-dos from one ethnic group. There is this other guy of the recently concluded Billion Lotto, Isaac Rucci who fleeced Ugandans of their hard-earned money. He stated as a member of the gospel music group, Limit X in the late 1990s where he went by the names of names of Isaac Rucibigango before, as is the practice, he was later to shorten it to Rucci to conceal his Rwandese origin. However, he forgot and named her daughter, Keeza (Rwandese for Kalungi). The other shortened names are Kale for Kalekyezi, Tonku for Tom Nkuringiye, Nsenga for Nsengiyumva etc. For how long will gullible Ugandans fall prey to Museveni’s selfish manipulation.
The recent revelation that Museveni had awarded 6b shilling Presidential handshake to 42 of Uganda’s highly paid cadre public servants set in motion a series of industrial action by different regime sectors demanding a pay rise and improved working conditions. First, it was Makerere University lecturers that prompted its closure. Then came the strike by Public Prosecutors who compelled the regime to ‘give in’ to their demands. The latest was by Judicial officers whose industrial action lasted two weeks.
In all the above cases, the treacherous regime has successfully managed to manipulate the striking public servants into submission. It has promised to meet their demands just as a way of buying time. For the Judicial Officers, the regime stage-managed two breakouts by suspects from Gulu Central Police Station and Kabwohe in Sheema district which it attributed to overcrowding in the cells. The police which is reknown for detaining suspects for weeks and months against the constitutional 48 hours, was simply playing hypocrisy. The Prison Services also falsely claimed that it was incurring extra expenses in feeding and transportation of prisoners to and from courts. Statistically, the expenditure by Prison Services ought to have reduced owing to the fact that during that period they were not admitting new people.
It is a fact that most Prosecutors and Judicial Officers survive on taking bribes from litigants, accused and complainants. The regime is aware of the corruption in the Judiciary but keeps a blind eye in return for partisan conduct by most Judicial Officers and Prosecutors. The public has irreparably lost confidence in the Justice, Law and Order sector. Majority of these officers are publicly known to be regime Cadres. No wonder, the incoming Deputy Chief Justice, Owing Dolo has had to publicly declare that he is not a Cadre Justice. The outgoing Deputy Chief Justice, Steven Kavuma was a distinguished regime Cadre who made no efforts to disguise his partisan conduct.
Before the Judicial Officials bowed out of their strike last week, they accused the Chief Justice, Bart Katurebe of having connived with the regime to frustrate their strike “because he is well taken care of”. He came out to vehemently dismiss the accusation; “…. you can say all those sorts of things but the truth will always come out.” Justice Katurebe was compromised by Museveni as part of his appointment deal in 2015 after he had been rejected for two years. In return, Katurebe delivered the 2016 dismissal of the presidential election petition. He has chosen to preside over a passive judiciary that dances to the tunes of the regime. As a reward, Museveni recently elevated his (Kabarebe) brother, Brig.Octovious Butuuro from the rank of Col. to Brigadier before transferring him from Rwanda as a Military Attaché to the Luwer Defence Industries as Managing Director.
Obviously, for Museveni, the strike was politically motivated and he must have directed Katurebe to ‘sort out his house’ – a mission he has successfully accomplished. Now that he has managed to hoodwink them into getting back to work, Museveni will ‘sort them out’. He will deploy his Intelligence operatives to net unlucky corrupt Judiciary Officers. That way they will be cowed into silence and total allegiance to the regime.
How come they have never protested against the intimidation, armed attacks on courts and interference in judicial processes by Museveni!!!!!!!!
He is a Munyarwanda and has been the Jinja Municipality ruling NRM Chairman. He is said to be a leading wealthy businessman in Jinja, Kamuli and Kayunga. He is the proprietor of Star React a security Company based in Jinja. He owns property and chunks of land in Kamuli, Jinja, Kayunga and Nakaseke. His livestock farms supply milk to Jinja and Kamuli towns. As Chairman NRM for Jinja Municipality, in 2011 his executive committee threatened to impeach him over allegations that he had single handedly prepared the party’s campaign b budget and went ahead to get money from the party headquarters but did not declare it. He survived because of his god-fathers at the too party leadership. In 2013 at a public function in Budondo, Iganga district that was attended by Museveni, Karangwa tricked UPC strongman Robert Kanusu into shaking hands with Museveni. During the occasion Karangwa gave Museveni a yellow baseball cap of NRM which he in turn handed over to Kanusu who refused to put it on. He had contested for the Jinja district LC 5 chairmanship on UPC ticket and lost. Earlier in 2012 during a fundraising for St. Gonzaga Seminary in Iganga that was presided over by Museveni, Karangwa bought Museveni’s portrait at 30M shillings.
In collusion with their powerful regime backers, the landlords in Kayunga led by the powerful Karangwa Moses Kaliisa sued the government in several land related suits. In February 2015 the High Court ordered for the attachement of Hon. Nantaba’s salary over an oustanding debt of 23 million shillings arising from litigation costs that was awarded to a one Kiberu after court quashed Nantaba’s order ofbgiving away 3.8 acres of land located in Wasozi, Kitende to another family following a dispute. Karangwa owns a big chunk of land at Kinamawanga, Baale Sub-county in Kayunga district after intimidating tenants into accepting peanut payments. Hon. Nantaba ordered the tenants to return to that land and Karangwa went to court. Locals as well as Hon. Nantaba believe that Karangwa is an agent of big people in the regime. Last month Hon. Nantaba alleged that some wealthy people incliding senior army officers were involved in illegal land evictions and sponsering her political opponents in the elections. Shortly after, Karangwa Kaliisa led a delegation of local leaders of Kayunga district to Namunkenke Industrial Park in Nakaseke district to meet Gen. Saleh. During the visit Gen. Saleh warned Hon. Nantaba to leave him out of the land wrangles. The learned General said that he had the capacity to buy land instead of stealing it.
The following week Museveni was in Kayunga where he the Chief Guest at the launch of Sauti FM – a local FM Radio station whose proprietor is none other than Karangwa Kaliisa. During the function Kaliisa donated to Museveni a spear and a shield before introducing his teenage sons; Emanuel Kamugisha and Michael and Michael Karuhanga who shock hands with Museveni. Museveni thanked Karangwa for establishing a radio station; “I also thank him for the plans to put up a pineapple processing plant in Kayunga.” During the same occasion he made the infamous pronouncement that he was clocking 71 yet he looked 30 years old.
That’s complete nonsense: Uganda is not incompetent because of Museveni. How can you possibly have all the power and none of the responsibility? The quarrels of government is not between practice and reality. The challenge in African public affairs today, is between old tribalism and accountability in governance. What we need in Africa is to let go of tribalism in the favour of the nation-state. Decentralised national government with a centralised planing and even stronger laws. Those laws were we are all equal. This is not only right due to human rights concerns. This is right for concerns regarding development. These African dictatorial systems do not favour competition. Look at Rwanda for example, where crystal venture owns everything. Well written laws, equality before the law, these are the things that will be the bedrock of prosperity. Because they will protect investments and nurture a climate that is open to growth.
Written By: Ian Ortega Ian
Jacqueline Mbabazi was dying. The hospital bill had gone out of the roof. Amama Mbabazi had vowed never to meet up with Museveni and stoop so low to request for his help. The family was divided. Leave the mother to die or run to a man with whom they had fallen out with?
In the end, one of the daughters Rachael Mbabazi stripped herself of the ego and ran to State House. Museveni was shocked to see her. She broke down with these words; “Mzee, mummy is dying. There is no money. Please help.” Museveni immediately gave an order and asked that Jacqueline’s hospital bills be covered. Even then, Amama being the Mukiga he is, he never called, he never exchanged any words with Museveni.
Museveni has done these for many of his political opponents such as Amanya Mushega, Norbert Mao just to mention but a few.
The personality of Museveni is one that is intriguing. He seems to be too merciful but also too cruel when need arises. That he could help a lady who had convinced his man to run against him is shocking.
But also more shocking is how public money is given out to private individuals without outlined procedures. That Museveni runs Uganda like a small chiefdom while enclosing it in democratic veils.
The more you learn about the stories in the corridors of power, the more you just stand aside and enjoy Swengere and Taata Sam. I pity people who take Uganda’s politics and politicians serious. It all begins and ends with one man, he is the Alpha and the omega. And the reason he is that way is because it is what works. Obote failed to understand this and twice he lost power. Obote was not practical. Museveni is.
Finally, in comes the Uganda election petitions.
In 2001, CJ Benjamin Odoki calls Museveni to inform him that they were going to annul the election. It was a 4 to 1 in favour of annuling the election. Odoki calls Museveni and informs him of how they were going to rule. Museveni picked up the phone and called up everyone of the 4 judges. His words were clear; “go ahead and annul the election, I will be in Rwakitura and the army will take over and we shall see what shall become of your ruling.”He called each of them once again and apologised for his outburst. “Forgive my words, please go ahead and rule how you find right.” Two of the judges crossed over and it became a 3 to 2 decision. The story was similar in 2006.
The judges perhaps later understood that even if they annulled the election, it would still be the same system administering the election. For most change, it is always slow, an evolution of institutions and structures. Rarely does change come out of revolutions and even when it does, it is always short lived and destructive.
The conclusion here is, what we see on the surface is not the actual power dynamics of a country. Power is much more than that. It is a complex puzzle, a game show, going on and forth about decisions. Young people tend to be theoretical about power and how governments work. Only for them to get power and fall in an abyss. And the only way to understand power is to be close to it. Be there in the late nights when decisions are made, you will learn a thing or two and you will come out humbled and refined.
And if Museveni has been president for over 3 decades, it is not by chance. He knows which compromises to make, where to crack the whip, which things to turn a blind eye to. Uganda is not incompetent because Museveni is. Rather Museveni is incompetent because poor countries like Uganda require such a character. In such a country where a ministerial position is looked at as an opportunity for a son of the soil to kusaaka for his tribe or clan, you can understand why Museveni has ran this country in this fashion. The Gaps between theory and practice are the quarrels of governance.
Restrictions on Media Threaten Uganda’s Development
By: H.E Deborah Malac
Good afternoon, and thank you for that warm welcome. I am pleased to join you all today as we mark this year’s World Press Freedom Day.
This is a great opportunity to re-dedicate ourselves to protecting the rights and freedoms of journalists here in Uganda and around the world – and to ensure all citizens enjoy the right to express their ideas and opinions openly and freely.
As I find myself in front of a room full of journalists, it’s only fitting that I begin my remarks this afternoon by telling a story – a true one – that I think is relevant in light of today’s discussions.
More than a century ago, the American media was filled with a peculiar specimen called the “muckraker” – a somewhat pejorative term used to describe reform-minded journalists who attacked political leaders, usually in stories about corruption.
Today, we label such characters as “investigative journalists,” but at the time, the public considered muckrakers to be gossip-mongers, and not serious, upstanding members of the media profession.
That is, until a man by the name of Upton Sinclair came along. Many of you may not know or have heard of him, but he became one of the most notable American authors in the first half of the 20th Century, eventually winning the Pulitzer Prize.
But Sinclair’s real claim to fame arrived in 1906, when he published the classic muckraking novel, The Jungle – an examination of the harsh lives and working conditions of exploited immigrants in Chicago.
The novel depicted massive health violations and unsanitary conditions in the city’s meatpacking industry, then among the country’s largest and most profitable.
Needless to say, the book’s damaging portrayal – following six months of investigation – created significant controversy. Domestic and foreign purchases of US meat fell 50 per cent, threatening a growing industry and the American economy.
The US president at the time, Theodore Roosevelt, declared Sinclair a “crackpot,” “unbalanced,” and “untruthful.” What Sinclair had published was vulgar to some and shocking to many, but that’s not the end of the story.
Rather than try and ban Sinclair’s work, destroy his reputation, or throw the author in jail, American officials and the public alike asked themselves a question: Is this the kind of country in which we want to live? The answer very clearly was no.
The book galvanised public opinion, spurring calls for labour reforms and efforts to enhance food safety. That pressure ultimately pushed the US Congress to enact new legislation that improved sanitary conditions in meat processing plants and created the predecessor of today’s Food and Drug Administration.
The Jungle was certainly damaging, an embarrassment to the country that could jeopardise jobs and economic growth.
But without Sinclair’s reporting, and without the public knowing what conditions were like in those Chicago meatpacking plants, there may not have been reform. Workers may have continued to operate in unsafe conditions for years. Congress may not have acted to make food safer, or created a federal agency to ensure medicine was properly tested before being given to patients.
In short, Sinclair’s book – protected by the US constitution and laws guaranteeing freedom of the press – directly contributed to America’s development at a critical time.
This story is really just a long way of saying that freedom of the press and freedom of expression are not just fundamental human rights, they are also vital contributors to development. That brings us to the theme of this year’s press freedom celebrations: how the media contributes to the creation of peaceful, just, and inclusive societies.
In my mind the correlation is obvious: a free press encourages the open exchange of competing opinions, promoting dialogue over conflict. A media that operates without constraints exposes corruption and mismanagement, thereby contributing to transparency and good governance.
Journalists allowed to speak with anyone at any time give a voice to every citizen, ensuring all views are heard and represented. These freedoms are the hallmarks of a developed country and a vibrant democracy.
Today, unfortunately, these freedoms are increasingly under attack – around the world and here in Uganda. We all know the story of Dr Stella Nyanzi. Whether or not you agree with her message or her tactics – and certainly, many do not – she is still entitled to express her opinion. As Uganda’s Constitution states, every person shall have the right to freedom of speech and expression, as well as the right to freedom of thought, conscience and belief.
Dr Nyanzi’s case, however, shows that such constitutional rights and freedoms apparently have limits, particularly when those opinions are critical of the country’s leaders. And when a government constricts the rights and freedoms of its citizens, the future and the development of the country suffer as well.
Freedom of speech and expression can be difficult to tolerate.For example, in my country, burning the American flag is legal, as our supreme court has upheld flag burning is freedom of expression. Now, I personally find burning our flag offensive. But I don’t have to like it, or agree. I must tolerate it as a fundamental right, because when rights begin to be limited, democracy is limited too.
Sadly, Dr Nyanzi’s case is just the latest of serious and growing constraints the media is facing in Uganda. In the past year alone, authorities have obtained court orders to ban reporting on matters of public interest, like the murder of Felix Kaweesi.
The offices of The Observer have been ransacked twice in the past year, threatening its ability to operate. A local journalist was kidnapped in broad daylight last month. Media professionals have had their houses broken into, their possessions stolen, their phones monitored, and their lives routinely threatened. One was charged with “abetting terrorism” for simply reporting on the events in Kasese last year.Despite what some officials may claim, these events are not fabrications. They are not cries for attention, or the result of personal disputes. These are real threats, putting real lives and livelihoods at risk. They undermine those constitutional rights to a free press and free expression. And they ultimately threaten Uganda’s development.
Now, we all know the counter-arguments. An irresponsible press corps stokes ethnic tensions and endangers Uganda’s security. The media is biased and appears intent on embarrassing the government, contributing to public mistrust.
The constant stream of reporting about corruption, violence, and political infighting paints a negative picture of the country and scares away potential investors, threatening Uganda’s development and growth.Allow me to address each of these points. Many members of Uganda’s media fraternity, I think we can agree, do not have a solid foundation in basic reporting skills or journalistic ethics. Too many fail to check the facts or to quote officials accurately.
Yes, we’ve all seen lies, rumours, and other fabrications make their way into print, onto the air, or online. I have frequently been the target of such sensationalism and misreporting myself. And so the press corps – reporters and editors alike – must take more responsibility to ensure reporting is fair and factual. But at the same time, it is a leap to say the press is responsible for sectarianism and insecurity in the country.
On charges of media bias, let me just say this: Nowhere is it written that the press – in any country – must serve as the government’s cheerleader-in-chief. Certainly, there have been many times in my career when I thought the press was unfair or pushing a particular story to generate controversy.
But really, so what? I can complain about it, but negative press doesn’t give me the right to close down a newspaper or shut down social media.This issue of negative press – whether you want to call it “fake news” or “biased journalism” – is not new. Governments and the media have had an adversarial relationship for generations. This has certainly been the case in the United States. Both Democratic and Republican presidents have had contentious relationships with the press.
Such tension is a normal and necessary element of democracy, because it promotes transparency and encourages good governance. We’re all aware of the verbal assaults launched against the media by politicians who don’t like how they’re portrayed in the press, who claim the media does nothing but lie and distort the facts.
But while bad press may be irritating, and can certainly warrant criticism, it does not justify physical attacks, threats, or harassment against journalists.
The press has a responsibility to report the facts as they are, not how government officials might wish them to be. And if those facts prove embarrassing to certain officials… well, that’s the fault of no one but the official who did something wrong in the first place.The press should be biased – biased in favour of the public interest – because it is the media’s responsibility to serve as a watchdog and ensure a country’s leaders are doing the work they were elected to do. That is true in Uganda, in the United States, and around the world.
As for the litany of negative stories, let me repeat what I just said: Journalists should report the facts. And if the facts are that there is violence occurring, or corruption is rampant, or that patients aren’t getting their medicine, that’s all information worth making public.
While the media certainly should highlight the positive accomplishments of Ugandans and the country, it is not the media’s job to play the role of public relations officers for the government. It is not their job to hide negative stories and only position the country in the best light possible.
In the US we have an annual tradition called the White House Correspondent’s dinner. The most recent was just a few days ago. This year, the host of the event stood in front of hundreds of journalists and poked fun at the president, crossing the line into insult. Some of the humour was not funny, and some remarks were cruel.
However, as the host noted at the end, the US is a stronger nation because we have the right to stand up and say what we think, even about our president.
Those who disagree have a right to say their piece too, and as citizens, it is up to all of us to form our own opinions, based on the information presented.
When the press is harassed and restricted, journalists practice self-censorship. Citizens are afraid to express their opinions. These are conditions that prevent development, that make a country less diverse and less democratic. A free press that can give a voice to every citizen helps make this a better country for everyone. A free press is a champion for Uganda, not its enemy.
There are those who think that by eliminating opposing voices, their ideas will simply vanish. But in the words of slain American civil rights activist Medgar Evers, “You can kill a man, but you can’t kill an idea.”Attempts to make government critics disappear will not make the problems go away; it will only make them worse by sowing further mistrust, alienating the public, and undermining the rule of law. That is not the kind of development Uganda needs, or the kind of development Ugandans want.
So Uganda – especially its journalists – now faces a difficult choice. To you, the journalists – I realise that for many of you, your profession is increasingly dangerous. It may no longer be worth it to face the constant harassment, the low pay, or the poor working conditions. And there would be little shame if some of you decided to follow another path.But I would ask all of you to try and remember why you became journalists in the first place. It certainly wasn’t for the money or the fame. More likely it was because you wanted to make a difference, to help make Uganda a better country, to tell the story of Uganda as it should be told.
If these are your reasons, I encourage you to stay in the fight, because your work, your profession, your rights and freedoms, are all key to Uganda’s continued development.Which of you might be the next Upton Sinclair? Which of you might write the story that catapults Uganda’s growth and development, making this country more peaceful, more just, and more inclusive? That person may be here today, but only if we dedicate ourselves to ensuring free speech, a free press, and free expression.
I want all of you to know that the US Mission in Kampala will be your biggest champion. We may disagree with you, grumble about one story or another, but we believe in your rights and your profession.
We will continue to support programmes that improve your capabilities and skills. We believe you should be free to practice journalism, responsibly, without fear or constraint.- AuthorPosts
