[Yoweri Museveni]

The famous presidential handshake was a bad deal from the word go. Now, its taking a new twist. Everyone involved in it is caught in a web. Let’s begin from the beginning. What will my sister do after the man who gave her a go ahead to deep her hand into the public fund says, it was a mistake? What about the Attorney General? Will our learned friend stand his ground and say, his advise to the regime leader was legally solid? Will he also be humiliated like his former colleague who advised that, the peoples president should have not been nominated in 2006 presidential elections because the regime had remanded him? What about the motor mouthed journalist? Does he still have any credibility to comment on public issues?

When this dust settles, what recommendations will the Bugweri kid make? Will he have the balls…big balls to recommend beneficiaries of the presidential handshake, also called “Economic Heroes” to refund the money? Will he……will he pick a pen and say, the person who authorized payments and later admitted this was a mistake be impeached? Will Parliament has the balls to impeach the regime leader? Or the famous MPs Will block this report once its presented on the floor of parliament? What will happen to this report?

As for us, the ordinary fellows, we shall continue to our taxes and watch this hakuna muchezo drama unfolding.

[Yoweri Museveni]

Thirty years ago, households were encouraged to be food secure in anticipation of unpredictable disasters that triggered famine. In our village, every household had at least a granary of millet, ground nuts, cow piece, dried potatoes and sorghum. Communities also dried eboo, akobokob and sometimes stored dried meat. Each household at least had hens, goats and of course a few cows. In addition, each household had at least one garden of cassava and potatoes. A household was not a household if it didn’t have enough food.

Our people never wasted food. No! No one sold food reserves. During that time, it was a big embarrassment to move from village to village crying for food. Yes, one would get food but it was so demeaning. Everyone was proud to be able to feed his or her household. Hence the saying, ” Mam eong anyami orekon”

These ‘things’ drastically changed. The cassava, ( commonly called ebwan aterak) our greatest fall back position during hard times got heavily infected with a cassava mosaic virus in 1990. We cried out. No one provided the lasting solution. We were provided with experimental cassava cuttings which lasted one year. Our local millet, maize and ground nut seeds generally failed. We were provided with treated seeds that failed to yield enough harvests. Then, the biting and monster poverty forced us to sell off the little harvests. Our households no longer had granaries.

Then people who called themselves experts in poverty and famine confused us with things called entadikwa, wealth creation and rapid economic recovery. They encouraged us to plant mangoes and oranges. We were told through this approach called modernization of agriculture, we would become instant millionaires. We tried these things but failed. The mangoes are rotting in the gardens. The poverty experts became richer as the famine hovered over our heads like the famous dragon.

Today, we have challenges feeding ourselves. The harvests are little. By luck, some of us eat once in a day. Other households survive for days on water. We are so embarrassed to admit our predicament. We can no longer store our food in anticipation of famine because there is nothing to store.vOver the last thirty years, we have to rely on external and humanitarian organizations to drop us a few kilos of posho to last a household for a week. We are so vulnerable that political actors are using our misery to gain political capital.

In very low tunes, we whisper amongst ourselves because we don’t want to be misunderstood to be politically incorrect. Sometimes, we laugh at our misery and say, “ationor do.” We have been asking ourselves a few questions. Where will this vicious circle of famine lead us? Is it too late for us to revisit our old food security strategies? Are the poverty experts genuinely providing us with the correct advise?

[Yoweri Museveni]

Andrew Kansiime Kananura alias Desh is one of Kampala’s socialites, whose life, deals and source of dime has remained a mystery. Though many people think, he is a security operative, he is just a pal to some members of the First Family. He is elusive but his name rings high in the minds of Kampala’s tycoons. Desh was in born in early 1970s in Nsambya to Stella Kagandi Kananura, a banker and Mzee Kananura, who was a top director in the now extinct Shell BB. His father died and his mother is currently in the UK where she has a church. He grew up in Kololo and his family home neighbours included Charles Otti of Covomo Buses, Oryem of Bee Line Buses, Late Col. Smith Apon Ochak, Otema Ali Madi and Wilson Ogwang (both deceased). Having grown up in such a neighbourhood of prominent people from Northern Uganda he was able to learn languages like Acholi, Langi and this has enabled a son of a Mukiga man to dominate business.

He got the name ‘Desh’ from his pals who used to mock him about his light skinned colour, saying he is a crossbreed of the departed Asians from Bangladesh.
His father died in 1992 and this gave him a challenge start working at an early stage in his life. After his ‘A’ Level he went to study in the UK, where he did a series of Kyeyo jobs. He studied during day and worked at night, so as to pay his bills. After his first degree at Barking University (Hearts) UK, he returned to Uganda and came to limelight when he tried motor sport. When he failed to pick in the sport he delved into car business. He came back with a sleek car from the UK and sold it to start business. He went back and brought another car which he sold to get capital. He later started getting money from city tycoons whom he would buy expensive rides from the UK where he had close pals. When the business worked out, he started importing posh cars most of which carried personalised number plates. Among his first swanky rides was a BMW 850i, which had customised number plates ‘4 Desh’.

His name has since become synonymous with the swanky cars in the country. These cars earned him a lot of profits. He has so far sold posh cars to Moses Matsiko of Pinnaco Security Company; Andrew Mwenda of The Independent; Dr. Luu Achinese, proprietor of the LMZ toothpaste; Brig Henry Tumukunde, Tycoon Obadia, Barnabas Taremwa of Mayfair Casino, Tycoon Kitaka of Kitaka Construction Co. Ltd.

Love Life
Though he is a renowned city partier, Desh has so far sired four kids from two women. When he recently introduced his long time Rwandese girlfriend Sheila Talatibu, a mother of two his other lover Barbra, the mother of two who used to work at dfcu Corporate Bank along Acacia Road but now at UNDP left Desh’s home. Desh stays with Sheila in Naguru, Barbra stays in Mbuya. Barbra is the mother first born Agasha Kananura. He used to date a vulnerable gal from a powerful and influential family in the country. However the parents of the gal had an upper hand to choose the man to marry in their family and that’s how the car deal missed out.

[Yoweri Museveni]

The multi Billion arcade building located on police land at Natete police station belongs to Kayihura.

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 IGP Kayihura by use of Mafia methods demolished the former Natete police station which was located in a strategic business area Natete trading center , then Kayihura hijacked the land and on going is erection of his massive arcade building on which he is currently working with the minister of international affairs to strike a deal where now police will have to rent the first floor of Kayihura’s building.
After demolishing and hijacking police land , Kayihura instructed policemen to construct ramshackled makeshifts made of iron sheets , polythene bags and wood to act as the new main Natete police station and baracks where policemen live , this has resulted in the first government police slum in Uganda’s history.
Encircled is the decaying wooden police toilet just beside Kayihura’s massive shining arcade building.
To raise funding to pump into his private empire of wealth like the construction of this multi billion building , kayihura designed a complex chain of mafia deals with in the lucrative police industry.
According to former intelligencier Charles Rwomushana , the former Kiboko squad was invented by Kayihura for his lucrative purposes , it has now mutated into criminal gangs who work with police on secret money making missions like creating national insecurities like the on going cutting of people in masaka with pangas , armed robberies and drugs ,
Out of a national cry to fight these insecurities , Kayihura has been summoned to statehouse and Parliament tabling police inflated budgets and the need to expand the police force which has left Kayihura smiling in billions and billions of more police funding from government.

[Yoweri Museveni]

Three decades ago, Iteso submitted to a militant NRA and my tribesmen lastly said welcome! After a hug of guns (1989-1992). This same regime that our parents accepted to rub shoulders with promised better tomorrow to the semi-nomads who for long had been cattle keepers & farmers. Mind you the reason for the great trek from Ethiopia to Uganda was to enjoy the waters of the Nile and its tributaries.
On arrival, Iteso didn’t have a backup plan of a life without animals but this was involuntary. On ascertain quiet morning,a our parents woke up and realized that the government that had 10 point programme including that of protecting citizens and their property.the leaders then,failed to secure our inherent livestock from daylight robbery.
Now that the herds left for karamoja and to other places we know not. Our people accepted the economics of starting from zero (akoru akanin) using the local hand hoes, you can phrase this simply (from grace to grass). This fine government couldn’t plan better on the future of Iteso after riches? As the trees gave way to charcoal and timber needs of the Middle class.The new found agriculturalists filled Kampala food stores with groundnuts, sweet potatoes, cassava & a few sacks of rice. The planners in the ministry of agriculture, ministry of finance & economics planning cared less to the soils. All they wanted from Teso was grow more food, more cotton but no plan for the future..
Affected by the weather vagaries due to natural and human factors, it’s approximately 10 years since the floods hit Teso land after a long drought of early 2007. The same government planners left the work of planning and only with wish that the ministry of disaster comes to do the kind of work that fire brigade does? to arrive after the damage! Remember the mighty peaceful government has had a long term plan on paper and board rooms for irrigation but all this plans have stayed there.
We need irrigation, irrigate our land and let the abuses and insults stop there that we are weak and always sloshed, if its so count the number of days in a year the government aid feeds the entire Teso populace. If this is not a punishment, then its Alie of lies .when the government has no plan for its citizens then its planning to fail. We can munch & chew our termites, it doesn’t need aTV telecast show! we can die.The truth is the story will remain align in our minds because amazingly not all Iteso are hunger stricken (ejaa lupo ejarete)
EMURIA KOLIAI

[Yoweri Museveni]

circumstances surrounding Badru Kateregga’ death at Panamera Bar on Sunday morning was not a one man’s show according to a blow by blow account from the eye witness at the scene of crime.

On the fateful night, the workers of Panamera Bar were extremely busy with many customers. Among the customers was one Peter, a specialist in mixing cocktail who has worked at different bars including Cayenne Bar, Club Rouge, Kampala Casino and Panamera itself. The scuffle according to the eyewitness started between Desh and Peter. Peter, a former employee was sacked and told never to hang out at Panamera. At around 2:30am, Desh called his brother Raymond Kananura and told him to tell Peter to leave his bar. After being threatened, Peter left the bar and the guns were turned to Badru Kateregga who had interacted with him that evening. Kateregga whose task was to wash glasses at the bar had spent only 15 days in Kampala. Right away from Mbale, the young and innocent guy (RIP) got a job at Panamera with hopes of working very hard and become a tycoon like Desh but his dreams were buried on Sunday morning. At 3:00am, Kateregga was subjected to thorough checking by Desh and found with Shs10,000 which he had borrowed from his pal Kenneth, a waiter to solve domestic problems. However, Desh thought Kateregga had served Peter booze and kept the money. At Panamera, all tips according to the bar boss of Indian origin, Paren are put in the tip box and counted as income for the bar since the workers are given transport to their homes.
How Kateregga was killed

He was dragged behind the bar and Desh started boxing him like a punching bag as the waiters, security operatives, bouncers and his brother Raymond witnessed. He later used a broom handle and blue water pipe to whip him. The eye witness says, Raymond Kananura and Cyrus, a bouncer at Steak Out who had been hired for a night at Panamera gave hand in hitting Kateregga like a snake. After a thorough beating, he was tied and taken behind Shawama Kitchen.

How Kenneth joined the Mix
Kenneth Kirenzi, the waiter who had given Kateregga Shs10,000 from the Shs40,000 tip he had got from the clients was equally searched and found with Shs30,000. He was asked why he did not declare it to Paren and there was no answer.

Instead of rewinding the 50 CCTV cameras to find out the truth, they started clobbering him like a terrorist. The security officers at the scene, Robert and Onyango joined the bandwagon of beating. Also active in action were Kazeyi, Desh’ clearing agent and one of Desh’ drivers called Matovu. Though Edgar, one of Desh’ relatives did not beat, he was cheering in the background. They undressed Kenneth and searched in his trousers where they found a bank statement with Shs9m yet he had spent only two months at Panamera. Kenneth worked at Boda Boda, Barbeque Lounge and Mish Mash before joining Panamera and possibly he could have earned this much at those bars. According to this witness, he was also taken behind Shawana Kitchen and the old parked van where he found Kateregga crying and groaning like a person with few minutes on Planet Earth. Shortly, Kateregga fell and died. Desh told his henchmen to remove security lights and fetch water to bathe the body, hid it in the pork kitchen and covered it with old tyres. It is in this pork kitchen where the body was recovered by police the following morning. Desh ordered bruised Kenneth, whose eyes were swollen to shower and dance in what the eyewitness referred to as a mafia style of killing people.
Searching of Workers
At 5:00am, Desh ordered Paren to push out the clients and close the bar. He called all the workers and ordered his security officers to search them thoroughly. While they were being searched, Desh asked them ‘do you know what I do for the government?’ “I’m bad man, mafia, no one f**ks around with my money. Do you know why KCCA cannot bring me down, I’m a bad man. I fear only my mom and Museveni but I also don’t fear them so much,” he said in American accent. Indeed in his bar there is a poster reading ‘I’m a bad man’. He dispersed them and ordered his driver to take a seemingly unconscious Kenneth to police and report that he had stolen Shs2m. After reporting the case, they were ordered to take him to the bank and ensure that he withdraws the money.

Police Swings Into Action
However, when Kenneth reached at Kiira Police Station to record a statement, he told police that ‘though I’m badly off, my colleague was killed’. Police swung into action and went to Panamera Bar. They found Raymond and Desh (in shorts) relaxing in the Lounge and asked them whether it was true someone was killed at the bar as the waiter (Kenneth) claimed. They denied of having any knowledge but said being a bar, they don’t account for the clients. Police mounted a search until when they discovered the bruised body which they took to Mulago Mortuary.

Police did not make any effort to have Desh jot down any statement like it’s a norm whenever a person is discovered dead at someone’s premises.
Though police cordoned off the bar structures, they did not bother to arrest the boss of the bar.

Confident Desh just sent an application (asking for a job) of Badru Kateregga through his driver to Police claiming that the deceased was not a worker at the bar but just asked for the job. Ironically, Desh forgot that the deceased was putting on uniform for Panamera workers. This coincided with the fact that he is close to one of the top officers of police.

With the discovery of the body, events changed and Desh’ driver could not take Kenneth to the bank to withdraw money. Kenneth, who had been joined by his colleagues, called his sister to take him for medication. Though Police claimed to have mounted a search for Desh on Monday, he was a very free man on Sunday evening. He was spotted at Kabira Country Club in a secret meeting with two other guys in a dark corner and this gave him ample time to plan and flee the country. Currently, he is believed to be in Dubai.
Meanwhile, the files CRB28/30/2012 and SD28/30/9, 2012 of manslaughter and assault were opened for him at Kiira Road Police Station as they wait for his arrest to take him to court.
Other workers beaten by Desh
Another waiter Bernard Kyaboona was equally thumped and left with a broken arm after finding Shs10,000 in his bag.

Earlier, Moses Baguma, a waiter at the same bar was beaten by Desh and driven to his home in Bukoto and told never to go back to Panamera.
Another barman called Robert was sacked after being flogged by the same man.

More People Beaten By Desh
It was not new for Desh and his brother to beat people at Panamera. On Wednesday, last week Raymond Kananura provoked the potential customers Arnold and Edwin, sons of a solicitor general and was beaten to pulp. The punch he got from Arnold sent him to the ground and the situation was calmed down by the onlookers and security.
Recently Desh beat up Denis Ssempebwa, a city businessman at Magic Parking and torn his clothes. Although Sempebwa rushed to CPS Kampala to report the case, Desh was not arrested.
It is not long when Desh brandished an electric wire from his Jeep with personalised number plate AK47 and caned a juvenile to coma in Luweero.

[Yoweri Museveni]

PRESIDENT MUSEVENI HAS ALL THE REMAINING BUGANDA LAND TITLES TIGHTLY LOCKED IN HIS SECRET BRIEFCASE~HE WILL NEVER RELEASE ANY OF THEM UNTIL THE END OF THE WORLD
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~KABAKA OF BUGANDA WILL CONTINUE WORSHIPPING MUSEVENI UNTIL HE GOES DOWN WITH HIM.

Kabaka of Buganda Ssabasaja Ronald Muwenda Mutebi Magulunyondo has been secretly making night talks and meaningless dialogues at statehouse begging for the remaining land tittles that government of Uganda confiscated during the Obote times.

Remember in recent past, Kabaka tried to raise his head and Museveni cooled him with just a peanut part of the titles and promised to give more with time. Since then, Kabaka has been salivating and surviving on empty promises!

Museveni could be old but is not a stupid man. The land tittles are his tools of manipulation that have kept a full Kabaka of Buganda and his subjects on their knees like useless and helpless slaves. By controlling Buganda, Museveni has managed to maintain the central political equilibrium and loyalty needed to sustain his grip on power.

The ceremonial Kabaka will keep in his bogus cultural gowns waving to thousands of helpless and poor crowds, overseeing childish wrestling competition, feasting on statehouse handouts (in fact leftovers) etc.. as Museveni and his family continue to rule and exploit this nation to emptiness.

[Yoweri Museveni]

Badru Kateregga like any youth, he left his family of five; a wife and four kids and moved to Kampala in search of opportunities to provide for his family.

He fortunately landed a job as a waiter at one of the bars in town.

With just 4 days to earning his first salary at the bar, Kateregga was beaten to death. He is said to have been beaten to death after he was found in possession of 30k (about $8) which had been given to him by a client as a token of appreciation.

Apparently possessing shs30k and above by waiters is illegal at the bar henceforth the reason he was beaten to death as punishment from people who were said to have included his boss.

His boss immediately flew out of the country; to UK following the incident. He was placed on police’s wanted list. He would return to the country three months later and was briefly detained together with his brother and others. They were freed shortly on bail and have been free since then.

During this time, his wife who couldn’t stand the life she was going through abandoned the kids at Kateregga’s father home and left to start a new life.

Kateregga’s dad really wanted justice for his deceased son and grand children who he was taking care of. He would sell off all he could to raise transport of 30,000 (the same amount for which his son was killed) from Mbale to Kampala. The case was always pushed to another day and he would find himself sometimes making 3 or 4 such trips in a month.

Unfortunately, even Kateregga’s dad, who was following up the case and also the bread winner for the orphans also succumbed to pressure before even the first hearing of the case.

The case would stall for years. The judge who was in charge of it would push it to another judge. It would also take another long spell; years before the suspects are brought to court.

That judge too would quit the case citing pressure. The next judge would start hearing the following year, 5years after the murder. After some of the witnesses had disappeared? Dead?

Well, the hearing of the case finally kicked off this year. And I hear all of the suspects have been found innocent. Ironically, the same judge says Kateregga’s life was ended unlawfully. If none of these is guilty, does this mean the deceased killed himself?

[Yoweri Museveni]

Look at this MPig, he is called Maj Ibrahim Abriga from Arua municipality and from NRM party and he is leading a crusade to remove age limit for President so that Museveni can rule for life, what word do can we use to describe this man?

[Yoweri Museveni]

HOW TO ORGANISE A PRISON BREAK:

BOBI WINE, KATINTI AND MUWADA: PRISONERS STRUGGLING TO BE KATTIKIRO

(You need 2 minutes to read this. If you don’t have the time, ignore please).

Omar Kalinge –Nnyago

There has been a lot of excitement since Court of Appeal annulled the Kyadondo East elections. Three opposition candidates- Kantinti, Kyagulanyi (Bobi wine) and Muwada seem to be poised for a gruelling fight. This follows quickly on the heels of the crashing defeat of Salaamu Musumba in Kamuli.

Early this week, Col. Samson Mande sent out a post: “IT IS AS HARD AS TRYING TO LIBERATE PEOPLE WHO DON’T KNOW THEY ARE UNDER OCCUPATION”. It was his interpretation of Harrier Tubman’s famous quote: “I FREED A THOUSAND SLAVES. I COULD HAVE FREED A THOUSAND MORE IF ONLY THEY KNEW THEY WERE SLAVES”.

Let me use my privilege as a Ugandan above 50 NOT TO MASSAGE THE EGOS OF THE INTENDING CANDIDATES, BUT MORE IMPORTANTLY OF THE OPPOSITION to which I have belonged since 1986 – and shout: PARTICIPATING IN ANY ELECTION IN UGANDA ORGANISED BY THIS REGIME IS STUPID, HOPELESS, MONEY WASTING, TIME WASTING AND A DIVERSION. DIVERSION FROM THE REALTASK OF LIBERATING THE COUNTRY FROM THE 31 YEAR FAMILY RULE. YOU DON’T TREAT MALARIA WITH PANADOL. IT IS THE TEMPERATURE THAT GOES DOWN BUT YOU MUST DIE IF YOU DON’T TAKE AN ANTI MALARIAL.

If you are familiar with prison, this is a typical race of prisoners in a ward: one them trying to be “Katikkiro”. A Katikkiro is the equivalent of a “class monitor” of a prison cell or ward”. A Katikkiro can actually wield a lot of power inside the prison walls. Above all Katikkiros in a prison is the “Overall” the equivalent of “Head Prefect” in a school.

The purpose of a Katikkiro prison structure is to make the prisoners governable. It is the cardinal objective of the “Overall” to make sure than no prisoner escapes! The overall is given a lot of privileges. He is co-opted by the Manghreza- the prison warders. During our times in jail, we used to call outside using a Katikkiro’s phone or through his ‘arrangements’, for a small fee.

The equivalent of the “Overall” in Uganda today is the Leader of Opposition. In prison, some wards (and therefore their Katikkiros) are more influential than others. In my ward, we used to make our own meals and eat whatever we wanted. We could even have money on us and read newspapers. So these are the equivalents of Muntu, Mao, Akena, Lukyamuzi, Basalirwa and company.

THE FINAL STRUGGLE TO LIBERATE UGANDA WILL NOT BE WON BY PRISONERS TRYING TO BE KATIKKIROS. The task is to break out of this jail that is the current regime of relatives, friends and in laws, who are using our own money to rob, kill, imprison, and divide us.

Do you want me to start choosing between Katinti, Bobi and Muwada? I shall not.

At the end of this diversionary Katikkiro contest, Besigye (another Katikkiro) in his decision or indecision to back one of the candidates, will lose 30% if his support base in Wakiso and Kampala. Simple calculation.

Even if one of them wins, we are the same people going to call them “PIG” tomorrow.

When are we getting out of this confusion, friends? Don’t you realise we are all prisoners?

LET US JUST ORGANISE A PRISON BREAK. Do we have any revolutionaries here?

If you think you are a revolutionary, share this post over and over again. Maybe someone will remember they are in prison.

[Yoweri Museveni]

I was unable to be physically at Top Radio’s Kimeeza this morning but l sent a message where l asked for Ssaabasajja Kabaka to disband Buganda Land Board because it is unconstitutional.
According to the Constitution of the Republic of Uganda 1995 as amended in 2005, the Buganda Land Board is appointed by Buganda Government, which is not in place now.
The BLB is made up, of , among others, chairpersons of district land board in Buganda, it is also represented on district land boards. It is charged which former public land or Mayiro Akenda, and official Mailo estates like saza and gombolola estates, those of Katikkiro, omulamuzi and omuwanika, among others.
350 Sq. Mls. estate for the Kabaka is managed by his Personal Treasury/Nkuluze where he has estates manager/bakatikkiro b’ebyalo bya Kabaka.
But this unconstitutional BLP has started selling land left right and center, and even selling traditional and cultural sites like that of Kawumpuli at Buyego in Bulemeezi, which was sold to non Baganda and they started erasing it until the local population chased them away and burnt the grader in a mob justice.
I also implored the Kabaka that he should not renew the contract for incumbent Katikkiro Charles Peter Mayiga upon expiry next month, but instead, he should appoint a Katikkiro with a task of ensuring that the Regional Governments Bill in Parliament for the last 10 years, is passed and operationalized.
This will pave way for the restoration of Buganda, Busoga, Bunyoro, Acholi, Lango and other regional Governments with Premiers directly elected, so are the Councils, where in case of Buganda or any other kingdom, the Kabaka is entitled to nominate a quarter of it, with nominees from clan leaders, who shall have form a standing committee on culture including Kabakaship with exlusing powers over traditional and cultural matters. All these are in the constitution.
If this is done, then Buganda Government will be budgeted from the center and the Kabaka and Mmengo shall stop being a burden to his subjects, which is dangerous although a clique at Mmengo benefit from it as there is no transparency and accountability.
Thirdly, the Land Fund, which is also constitutional, should be funded, so that both land owners and bibanja holders can buy off one another and dual ownership stops.
On Radio Simba, where l have managed to be present in Gasimbagane ne bannamawulire program,. L also said that security of tenure for both land owners and bibanja holders contribute to lack of food security in the country.

[Yoweri Museveni]

.

All indications are that Gen. Kayihura Ordered the killing of Andrew Felix Kaweesi.

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1. On eve of the murder Gen. Museveni had called and chaired a meeting in which he insisted the Murder case in which Kaweesi was involved in should be concluded and all suspects arrested. On the day of the murder Kayihura confessed he had just spoken to Kaweesi but didn’t give details of their calls, but later kaweesi and Kayihura were susposed to meet the president together with the DPP. There is a theory that Kayihura had called to confirm Kaweesi would be leaving home soon, Kayihura was very first to the scene of crime, he arrived when bodies where still at the scene.

2. This wamala murder case had previously caused embarrassment to Kawesi and Kayihura causing kawesi to be removed from all positions visible. Kayihura could not afford and putting Kawesi in prison, it was too risky. The more risky part was to allow Kawesi face the president and answer these charges. The President himself told the widow of Wamala to sleep at State House, “I know my men stay here until tomorrow when i get you security” who else has the power to pull off such a killing after someone has met with the President?
It looks like Kawesi was working for someone on the wamala case, all witness in this case including Kaweesi have now been Killed, who is now occupying the land in Muyenga.
Interesting the Late Wamala was a business man in Kikubo do you remember the goods that were impounded by anti smuggling unit returned back to Kikuubo by the now IGP. Now you can see the motive and reason we believe Kayihura had special interest in this case and why we think Kaweesi was just a victim of a coverup.

3. It was well known to many in security circles that Kawesi headed Kifeesi group, commanded by ASP Karumira collecting btn 3 – 5 million shilling a week. Kawesi promoted Kirumira from AIP to ASP jumping one rank and also ensured he was made DPC of Old Kampala a prominent home of Kifesi so that he could be in control of collections, other police chiefs disagreed with this because they knew Kirumira not only had a crimal record as a police officer at his inception when he stole 1.8million shilling and he was convicted but had also been involved in criminal gang activity.
Kirumira is a good TV personality, he knows how to motivate journalists especially Bukeede guys.

Do you still here Kifesi since Kirumira was transfered, these guys went away and become individual thieves since they had been given tricks, but other police officers below kirumira know them and arrested some recently.

4. Gen. Kayihura is not news to criminal activity and putting away partners in such crimes he commits, Do you remember Kata Kajjubi, he Kato was Gen Kayihura’s friend during his period as head of anti smuggling unit, Kayihura used to impound smuggled goods and return them into the market through his good friend and businessman Kato Kajubi. I worked briefly in BAT Sales and Marketing in Greater Masaka and 90% of smuggled supermatch tobacco was brought back into the market.
The two become so rich and Kato was under declaring profits until Gen Kayihura was tipped off, the Gen had earlier informed his police officers in charge of investigations to destroy the case leading to his acquittal but after information came out that all the money was used up by Kato, the Gen turned around and unlawfully ordered the re-arrest of a man court had set free.

5. Wrong Suspects arrested and tortured to confess killing Kaweesi, the law against torture by police officers is clear, suspects were arrested and tortured to confess the killing to surprise of security forces these suspects didn’t even know where Kulambiro was, Kayihura then ran to courts of law to prevent media houses from covering this case, he presented these suspects in closed court contrary to laws of Uganda.
Police officers involved in torture of suspects have never been arrested the reason is that they would give up who ordered the torture.

6. Kayihura ADC seen at scene of crime collecting bullet shells during the day and later in the night collecting soil for witchcraft. Kayihura is a true believer in witchcraft he had to present this blood to his witchdoctors in TZ so that kaweesi’s ghost can not come back for him. Indeed when Afande yiga ordered the arrest of those collecting soil with blood stains orders to release them came from above. Now you can see his friendship with Kato went beyond business to knowing how witchcraft operates, do you know that the witchdoctors in NATO’s case were released.

7. Museveni’s revelation that police is occupied by thugs/criminals and his refusal to attend burial, this was a clear message to the masses to be careful, this Statement alone should have lead to the resigning of Kayihura but the hard criminal doesn’t die with words. Museveni was briefed on what was happening by CMI but his hands are tired now, Kayihura has mastered creating security threats as soon as he knew things were not good his criminal gangs started terrorising people in villages and spreading the terror this scares people to think without him things will go worse.

[Yoweri Museveni]

Yesterday on CBS Fm Parliamentyaffe program Mbidde and Mp Bakireke Nambooze were given time to explain to the country the unending DP crisis. Mbidde spoke first, explaining why Nambooze was suspended. Nambooze spoke in defence however the program nearly went out of hand when the two began personal attacks.

On the same program counsel Nsibambi(FDC) and Hon. Abed Bwanika were in attendance. So they were given time to assess the situation after a long silence. Mbidde was beaten to negatives. Its not clear whether he will ever return to CBS especially in the presence of those two. Nsibambi hit Mbidde from the legal point of view since both of them are “learned friend”. Nsibambi asked Mbidde to give the legality of what him and his president Mao are doing against Nambooze and literally the Party. Mbidde could not answer this. So Nsibambi told them that its not whom they accuse but them who are breaking the constitution in the guise of guarding the party.

Bwanika weighed in with the conclusion that summarised the situation in DP in particular and the country at large. He gave Odyssey of Gorbachev of Russia and his secret mission in the soviet union. Gobarchev was secretly planted in Russian, groomed, trained and given all the necessary support to become the most influential young politician capable of leading the Communist Party of Soviet Union (CPSU). Which he achieved as Secretary General from 1985-1991.

Both his parents were planted in Russian by America in close supervion of her allies in west Europe. On 2nd march 1931 in Stavropol Kray Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev was born. He was given everything he needed but in a way not suspicious. He became vocal and join open politics when he joined the communist Party in 1952. He studied Law and graduated at the Moscow State university in 1955. His role was open and after the death of the party boss he was seen as the most fitting to replace him. Thus becoming the Gen.Secretary and later in 1990 the president of the Soviet Union.

Now the mission had reached its epic. USA began its demands. In brief, Gorbachev and his policies were directed at weakening and eventually fulfill the breakup of the USSR and total downfall of communism. But even before that, he made sure that there was no native Russian was left good enough to become a sensible contender. He makiced them and reduced them to disgrace. However some diehard communists and native elite youths risked and began an open fight against Mikhail who had a strong grip on every security organ. Because of the power he had, he suppressed them on several trials but they had made a treasonable damage to his career. The public was awakened. So things began to make a U-turn against Gorbachev. His very universal manhood policy of voting, ousted him. He tried to stand again in 1994 as president but never got even 1%of the total vote.

So if we are to go back to Bwanika statement, this secret Tusti conspiracy is real not only in Dp but in Buganda and Uganda at large. The Gorbachev is here already and trying to bare of more. We need to look with a third eye but not to lightly react on sensitive matters.
1. They first created anarchy in Uganda from 1966 and made Uganda ungovernable since 1972. Amin being brutal, fell into the trap and began panicking. This panic made him make more mistakes which mistakes became their political capital.
2. After the fall of Amin, they made a unitary government but their Gorbachev patiently didn’t take presidency. He instead took the most important defence ministry which he continued to use to antagonise government and to mobilise his fellow missionaries to share vision. They knew it was not going to be eternal if they went to power merely through a vote. So they looked for reasons to get power through the most risky method;War.
3. They therefore participated in the 1980 general election which was obvious that they were to lose because their UPM party could not win even a single vote. The battle was between DP and UPC. But during campaigns, they made it clear that they would go to war if the vote was rigged. And so the vote was rigged by UPC against DP. They now got the reason.
3. Their mission could not be achieved without the involvement of the natives. So they played on the anger of those who were rigged but most importantly the anger of the Baganda whose glory and civilisation had been destroyed by Obote who had again rigged the vote. The Baganda were looking for opportunity to revenge against Obote. This was the very reason why war was stationed in Buganda and specifically Luweero where MuteesaIi had his personal home and where Buganda legendary warriors sprung. So apart from other regions, Buganda had a reason more than a rigged vote to fight for.
3. They patiently recruited and wisely handled their philosophy. Whoever was outstanding in the bush war and was not part of their inner circle, disappeared mysteriously. They were literally infamous and that’s why they could not tolerate any capable politician who would become a stone in the shoe. They captured power in 1986. So the second chapter of the vision begins.
4. Do not leave power, at least hand over to another Tutsi.
5. Build a strong army and police and make their command 95% Tutsi.
6. Make nationals paupers and commercialise politics such that no national can be in position to stage a reasonable opposition and thus create a ruling class. That its only from this class that opponents or leaders can spring.
7. Secretly destroy cultures and cultural institutions by reducing their integrity such that the once loyal masses begin looking at their cultural leaders as traitors and real self seekers.
8. Makes sure no national is a leader’ material. Dehuminise them, disintegrate them, bribe them, excommunicate them, incriminate them or\and kill them.
9. Make former political institutions that have structures weak if not erasable. Do this by either planting your own and groom them to presidential levels to destroy these institutions with authority or buy off their leaders.
10. Create social groups that malice, criticise and reduce capable leaders to cause fear into whoever brings out their head to stand. No wonder Frank Tumwebaze has unleashed over 600 Facebook accounts with managers who are very active. Their major targets among others is Mengo and Kabaka in particular, Wrn Kizza-Besigye , Erias Lukwago , Nandala, Nambooze and any other capable leader who rises.

So its painful that most of our people when we say this, call it politics. But always call our help when its late. When people who understand the struggle come to them during elections they drop them and opt for those who give them a few shillings. This rampant landgrabbibg is not accidental, its part of the plan. They plant unknown people on our land and when the owner fights back, they would give all the necessary media to the landgrabbers against the land owners.
They have created inhuman gangs that terrorise nationals on their orders. They have reduced our religious leaders not only to the level of thieves but killers.

N’olw’ekyo what’s happening in DP and other political institutions is not accidental. Mbidde for example is not only a Tutsi but personally participated in the guerilla war that saw Kagame in power. For that matter he is a soldier and every move of his is given the support beyond necessary. Its not that he loves the party very much but because he is part of the plan. Mao was equally prepared for this. In early 2000s he was the head of Museveni’s committee to negotiate Kony and his eventual defeat.

But in such hopelessness and emptiness, Allah always rises a mesiah. First he made Besigye the first to go against their secret conspiracy but most of us could believe him since he rose up during politics time, Sam Njuba, Bidandi, and now Mbabazi. Here, Allah rose the Ssubi boys and girls to save his people. Lukwago, Mpuuga, Sseggona, Kivumbi, Ssemuju, Nambooze, kasibante etc. In the east, Mafabi, Okumu, Alaso, Anywar, Sara Eperu etc.

Its true, revolutions don’t take everybody. Its a few that begin. And the rest follow as events unfold. Its true that there is no time limit on the struggle. Its fruits may not even be enjoyed by those that begin it. But Its also true that no amount of power can ever resist change. We have began and we shall surely reclaim o

[Yoweri Museveni]

What did Ugandans do to M7? A foreigner from Sudan called Hamid of AYA group is given our free land in the most prime area of our Country at Nakasero to put up a hotel. His Hotel saw the national broadcaster uprooted and in the process many historical documents were lost! This hotel was supposed to host CHOGM diplomats but 10 years later it is still under construction! Basically it has taken over 10 years to finish construction even though Burj Khalifa the world’s tallest skyscraper in dubai took just 6 years to construct. Now these AYA group investors who allegedly defiled our girls and mistreated the casual labourers are now asking for a tax holiday!!

The way Museveni treats Ugandans, we need scientists to find out his DNA!
Simple example, a Toyota premio costs $1,200 (UGX4,330,000) in Japan CIF Mombasa, the same M7 (URA) taxes the said Toyota Premio UGX11,000,000 and Premio are usually bought by ordinary people. After this unfair taxation, Museveni takes billions from URA and chooses to spend over UGX500m per day at State House! URA can’t even give an ordinary Ugandan a tax payment plan, say for two years to pay the said taxes but it’s willing to give a total tax exemption to these defilers and fake investors.

Ugandans what can we do to stop these unfairness? By the way the current Opposition politicians I see in Uganda can’t bring the desired change we want, the change we want must be owned by us Ugandans. Having said that, I think Ugandans have a problem, how we allow one person to mismanage our country for 31 Years! How can we just sit and watch!

M7 has turned Uganda into something personal that he runs like a home.
Someone must educate me on the word ‘investor’. You give a foreigner our land and on addition, you give him a tax holiday for years as they make abnormal profits. This again takes me to these so-called learned friends, can’t someone find a law stopping M7 acting recklessly and taking Ugandans for granted!
Is AYA group a proxy company for General Museveni?

[Yoweri Museveni]

The Real Museveni – By AM Obote

Museveni has a thirst for power in its most naked form. He believes intensely in violence as a means of governance and for holding power. He is an accomplished liar and a total stranger to truth. His method of conducting public affairs or his political Party, the UPM, and now his NRM/NRA is a combination of violence and lies. Museveni is an extremely poor, indeed inept, civil administrator. He seeks nor accepts advice from anybody on any matter and detests the conduct of public affairs through discussion, debate or competing ideas; his own ideas must be accepted as the only valid ones and all others are “bankrupt ideas”. Yet he is not averse to steal ideas from others and claim to have been the originator, but often without clear understanding of how to implement the stolen ideas.
Museveni prefers militarist (violent) approach in the resolution of problems and issues but would also, at times, put forward a dissembling scheme,while preparing a military solution. Both on personal and public Affairs, there is no ethic, moral values or law which he would not either discard, flout or bend in order for him to achieve his designs. Museveni’s propensity for bloodshed did not start in Luwero. The UPC government contained this mass killer within the Luwero Triangle. The Okello and Okello Junta facilitated the killer and now he brutalizes the whole country. Ugandans, who, for whatever reason, have not seen Museveni as a killer or think that they would be safe because they are close to him are in for a rude shock. Museveni kills not only those he sees or regards as his enemies but also those closest to him. I cite some examples:
In Tanzania in the early 1970s, a number of Ugandans who were very close to Museveni disappeared and have not been seen again. They included Mwesiga Black, Raiti Omongin, Miss V. Rwaheru (Museveni’s housekeeper) and Martin Mwesiga (brother of Frank Mwine of the Uganda Commercial Bank). In the case of Martin Mwesiga, his sister Margaret, who was living and working in Arusha, personally told me in 1974 in Dar es Salaam the murky story about the disappearance of her brother. The gist of Margaret’s story is that on several occasions in 1973, she asked Museveni about the whereabouts of her brother, who until he disappeared, was always with Museveni. Margaret told me and others that on each such occasion, Museveni gave her a different version of where Mwesiga was, ranging from Mwesiga being alive and well but on a mission abroad to Mwesiga undergoing a secret course. Late in 1973, Margaret said, Museveni told her that her brother had died in a battle in Mbale in February 1973. One of those present when Margaret gave this account was Enoka Muntuyera, the father of the present Commander of the NRA, Major General Muntu. Enoka and another Ugandan told Margaret that they had stayed in the same hotel as Museveni and Mwesiga in Tabora, Tanzania, in April 1973. Margaret had travelled to Dar es Salaam with another brother, Magara, to enlist my help for Magara to get a place in the University of Dar es Salaam. Magara who after his graduation joined the UNLA, defected and joined the NRA in 1981. In 1983, when he was on an NRA mission in a Kampala suburb, someone rang the Police to say that Museveni was in a house in the suburb. The house was surrounded and its occupants were asked to come out without their arms but instead the occupants opened fire. Magara died in the shoot-out. Two of Magara’s NRA colleagues were taken alive; they were wounded. The two told the Police that as far as they knew, the mission was known only to Museveni, the house was safe and they got there at night as they had done previously. Margaret and Frank, Sister and Brother of Mwesiga and Magara are now in very lucrative positions.
In early 1979 after the capture of Ankole by the Tanzanian troops, Museveni organized hooligans, mostly from the two Refugee Camps, Rusinga and Nakivale, and led them in attacks and massacres of Muslims. He led the hooligans to the Kakoba Coffee Factory and burnt it down. He also organized an assault to burn down his former school, Ntare, but this was frustrated when patriotic Ugandans appealed to the Tanzanian troops to restrain Museveni which they did. In Mbarara Town, Museveni, the son of an itinerant immigrant, lived in Omugabe’s Palace. His reasoning for the massacres of the Muslims, the burning of the coffee Factory, etc. was that in so doing the “wrath” of the “wananchi” (citizens) was being expressed against the Amin regime. It was immaterial to Museveni that the hooligans he was leading were not citizens and that the victims were citizens. What was of greatest importance was to show in the most unmistaken form that he was the new ruler in Ankole and that terror including massacres were to be instruments of his rule.
Museveni entered Uganda in early January 1979 in the company of the Tanzanian troops. Contrary to propaganda, he had no army which he left behind either in Tanzania or Mozambique and had no such army anywhere in Uganda. When his hooligans were restrained from attacking Ntare School and after they had dynamited Public Buildings in Mbarara Town, he began to raise an army. In the second part of February 1979, he returned to Dar-es-salaam where, at a meeting with me, President Nyerere determined that Museveni would henceforth lead the Ugandan component of forces then fighting against Amin. From Dar es Salaam Museveni, now the Supreme Commissar, went to Rakai and Masaka Districts where, again, in order to show the “wrath” of the citizens, much destruction was wrought. Houses of the affluent were dynamited as were Public Buildings, including Tropic Inn (Hotel). From there Museveni proceeded to Fort Portal which had fallen to the Tanzanian troops. In Fort Portal, like in Mbarara, Museveni stayed in the Omukama’s Palace which was intact and furnished. In 1987 Elizabeth Bagaya, then Museveni’s friend and Ambassador to the USA, in a tele-cin video, charged that “Obote’s soldiers” destroyed in the 1960s her father’s Palace; the same Palace in which Bagaya and Amin once stayed when she was Amin’s Foreign Minister and in which Museveni stayed in 1979 when Obote was in Tanzania and had no soldiers in Fort Portal. It is known that Museveni ordered the destruction of the Palace when on April 11, 1979, David Oyite Ojok announced over Radio Uganda the fall of Kampala. The Supreme Commissar was said to have been very furious that someone else and not him had announced the fall of Amin.
With the approval of Tanzania, I sent in January 1979, two Teams to Western and Buganda Regions. Each Team had a medical doctor. The role of the Teams was the mobilization of the people in liberated areas so as to ensure good order, public health, rural production and trade, cooperation with the Anti-Amin forces and collection of arms abandoned by Amin’s soldiers and surrendering such arms to the anti-Amin forces. Central to the mobilization exercise, was the establishment of Committees from the village to District levels. The 1970 UPC Party election regulations, for lack of a better form, were to be used with amendments in the establishment of the Committees. This meant that the residents of a village would assemble irrespective of Party affiliations at one place on the appointed day and elect a Committee and officials such as Chairman, Secretary, etc. and also the village delegates to the next Committee above the village level. Elections were to be in the form of the electors filing behind candidates for the various offices. Delegates elected from the villages would form the next Committee in the tier but at that level to the District level delegates were free to decide on whether or not to elect officials by filing behind candidates or by show of hands. Museveni vehemently opposed the very idea of these Committees. His position was that Uganda was in a revolutionary situation in which the barrel of the gun alone should and must be allowed to give birth to the new order. Chris Rwakasisi and Edward Rurangaranga were the leaders of the Team which went to the West and Samwiri Mugwisa led the Team which went to Buganda. After he became the Supreme Commissar, the two Teams were forced out of Uganda. They returned to Dar es Salaam and the exercise was thereby killed. Today, however, Museveni is credited with having been the originator of the so-called “grassroot democracy”. The great difference between the original system and Museveni’s, is that the latter is part and parcel of Museveni’s instrument of control and oppression whereas the former was Peoples’ non-partisan instructions. I do not believe that on account of the NRM Committees, Museveni can be said to have moved from being a Saul to being a Saint Paul on the matter of democracy.
There was also another Team which I sent to Uganda with the approval of Tanzania in February 1979. This Team was composed of agriculturists, veterinarians and economists. I should mention, in passing, that at that time, it was not certain that Tanzania would fight Amin to the bitter end. It was, therefore, imperative to assess the economic situation in Rakai, Masaka and Ankole which had been liberated with a view of presenting to Tanzania proposals designed to sustain the economic well-being of those areas in the event of such areas and Kigezi being cut-off from the rest of Uganda.
Museveni attacked this Team for allegedly interfering with the prosecution of the war. No wonder, therefore, that Museveni’s pre-occupation with militarist approach to the exclusion of every other consideration destroyed the economies of Luwero, North and East. The Economic Team of 1979 like the Mobilization Teams were also forced out of Uganda.
The sting in the tail is that Milton Obote, whose ideas are described by Museveni as “bankrupt”, was the originator of Museveni’s so-called NRM grassroot democracy and the man who presided over a Cabinet which, after the 1980 elections, put together for the first time since the 1960s, bankable projects in a Rehabilitation and Recovery Program which Museveni now claims to be his work. That the implementations of the borrowed ideas have been difficult for Museveni can be ascribed to two reasons. First, his pre-occupation with militarist approach. Second, in the Uganda Saying (adage) that a woman who knows not what she is cooking will burn in vain her entire stock of firewood. Museveni does not believe in democracy and loathes the very heart of civil administration – discussion and competing ideas. He can not, therefore, implement the good ideas and programmes he has borrowed despite claiming them to be his own simply because his nature and temperament are diametrically opposed to those ideas and programs but which are useful to him only for propaganda purposes.
I return to 1979. There was a meeting in Mwanza, Tanzania, on June 8 and 9, 1979, between Presidents Nyerere and Lule and their advisors. I was at the meeting as an Observer and on the invitation of the host President. The meeting, as I gathered at the proceedings, was called to resolve a serious political and constitutional issue which had developed between President Yusuf Lule and his supporters on the one hand, and on the other Edward Rugumayo, the Chairman of the Uganda National Liberation Front (UNLF) and also the Chairman of the Interim-Parliament and his supporters.
Museveni at that time was Lule’s Minister of State for Defence and was at the Mwanza meeting. I gathered from the speeches of the participants that the problem at issue was whether the Moshi Decision took precedent over the 1967 Constitution or vice-versa. Lule held that Chapter IV – (the Presidency) – in particular and indeed the Constitution as a whole, took precedence and that any Moshi Decisions which was at variance with the provisions of the Constitution was ultra vires the Constitution and therefore null and void. Rugumayo on the other hand, argued that the Moshi Conference was a constitutional making body, had on that basis spelt out its rules (Constitution) under which Uganda was to be governed on the fall of the Amin regime and that the 1967 Constitution was never specifically nor generally alluded to or referred to in the Moshi Conference.
The situation had been complicated and confused by several events which took place at and after the Moshi Conference. First, Semi Nyanzi, the Chairman of the Conference (before the election of Rugumayo to the office of the Chairman of the UNLF), had his sets of Minutes of the Conference decisions. Nyanzi was in the Lule camp. Another set of Minutes was from Omwony Ojwok (Rugumayo camp), the Secretary of UNLF and who published his Minutes (Moshi Decisions) in a pamphlet whereas Nyanzi’s Minutes were cyclostyled and distributed or furnished only to whoever was in the Lule camp or whoever would advance the political fortune of the camp. The existence of the two sets of Minutes which disagreed with each other on vital issues on decisions taken at a Conference which each set purported to record, is a measure of how unstable and freak the foundation was for the new UNLF democratic beginning.
The second confusing event was that Lule was actually elected at Moshi, as the President of the UNLF and even the Omwony Ojwok’s Minutes showed that the President of the UNLF would assume the office of the President of Uganda, on the fall of Amin. The late David Oyite-Ojok announced soon after midday, on April 11, 1979, on Radio Uganda the fall of Kampala. I must disclose, for the first time, that he rang me before the broadcast to ask for what to say. Telephones from Uganda and to Uganda had been cut. David went to a patriotic Ugandan Engineer and put him on the job, at dawn on that day, to open the lines. The engineer and David assembled the technicians as the battle for Kampala raged and bullets and mortar bombs whizzed over them and their paths to the Radio Station. I was naturally elated to hear his voice and to know that he was alive and in Kampala. My first question to him was whether he had phoned President Nyerere. When he answered “NO”, I told him to ring the President before making any pronouncement on the Radio and he did. David asked me what to say. I dictated a short message which he told me he was writing on the back of an envelope. The message, as no one can deny, was a nationalist and a uniting message and was delivered in the name of the UNLF.
That evening Lule made a broadcast from Radio Tanzania which was also connected to Radio Uganda. Lule announced his Cabinet and promoted and appointed Military Officers that included David Oyite as Chief of Staff of the (Moshi) Uganda National Liberation Army (UNLA). At Mwanza, Lule agreed that the appointments and promotions he made and announced on April 11 were not vetted and approved before he made them public. Rugumayo’s response was that Lule had acted contrary to the Moshi decisions and that since the Minutes had not been produced when the appointments and promotions were made by Lule (alone), they had been accepted in good faith but were not to be repeated. According to the Moshi decisions, Rugumayo said, all Presidential appointments and promotions had to receive the approval of the National Consultative Council (NCC) of the UNLF.
The situation was an inappropriate and a short sighted scheme very much as it is today in Museveni’s NRM, where an organ of a political entity was deliberately institutionalized as national and designed to direct and control two different and distinct aspects of the body politics of the country. The National Consultative Council (NCC), like Museveni’s National Resistance Council (NRC), was not only the supreme body of the UNLF, which in the UPC’s case would correlate to our National Council and in the case of Museveni’s National Resistance Council, the National Consultative Council, like the NRC, was also the Interim Parliament. Making the supreme organ of a political entity, be it Party, Movement or Front, to be also a national, non-partisan institution, is always a dicey matter in a situation where all political entities had not willingly given their consent. Lule, whose political affiliation hovered and swung rapidly between his membership of Kabaka Yekka (KY) and the DP and whose adherence or commitment to democracy at the very least was highly questionable, was “elected” to lead Uganda at a very trying and testing time. He was, however, not a fool. He saw clearly what he later called the “Moshi fraud” but whose central plank he never was able to discern despite the existence of plenty of evidence being readily in sight. Thus, Lule rejected the role of the National Consultative Council (NCC), the supreme organ of the Uganda National Liberation front (UNLF), itself a loose political entity, to require him, the President of Uganda, to submit to it his decisions on appointments and could find no such provision in the 1967 Constitution.
The issue had been compounded in April 1979. On April 13, 1979, Lule, the new President of Uganda, was sworn by Justice Sam Wambuzi on the 1963 Oath – the “Sovereign State of Uganda” and not on the 1967 Oath, the “Republic of Uganda”. Within days, George Kanyeihamba, Lule’s Attorney General and Minister of Justice, produced Proclamation No. I of 1979 (New Constitution) and Lule signed it. The National Consultative Council (NCC) was not consulted. In the Kanyeihamba/Lule Proclamation, certain chapters of the 1967 Constitution were left intact, others were amended but Chapter IV – the Executive; i.e., the Presidency was completely deleted. The effect was that by the Proclamation, Lule ceased to be the President of Uganda. This ludicrous situation arose because way back in 1971, Kanyeihamba had been fascinated by the Amin coup and wrote a piece in the Transition Magazine about how Amin came with a “Bang”. In 1979, Kanyeihamba simply copied Proclamation No. I of 1971 but failed to notice that, as a populist ploy, Amin had in that Proclamation pretended to abolish the Office of the President which he later reinstituted. A new Proclamation was hurriedly issued to restore Lule’s Presidency but Lule had taken the same Oath as Sir Edward Mutesa had taken and was therefore ipso facto a constitutional and not an Executive President. Edward Rugumayo and the Personnel of the UNLF Secretariat, particularly those who came to be known as the “Gang of Four” were also no fools. They knew that Lule was in a corner and they pressed their advantage. That forced Lule to go to the Interim-Parliament and to announce that from thence onwards governance would be on the basis of the 1967 Constitution, the very Constitution which was anathema to him on April 13, only weeks back.
The Mwanza meeting of June 8 and 9, 1979 was held to resolve the crisis within the UNLF. I have given at length the essential elements of the crisis, a political and constitutional crisis which was of great import, to show what part Museveni played in it. At Mwanza, Museveni was indifferent when the crisis was under discussion. He became alive and highly animated in the afternoon of the second day when new arrangements were discussed for the deployment of Tanzanian troops following the collapse of the Amin forces on June 3. Museveni told the meeting that with the assistance of Tanzanian Commanders, he had raised from within Western Uganda and trained more than ten thousand troops, three thousand of whom were in the West Nile and more would be sent there if the situation warranted and Tanzanian troops could therefore be withdrawn from the West Nile zone. As for the Kampala zone, Museveni said that he had seen a proposal that the UNLA, under the command of Tito Okello and Oyite Ojok, be deployed there but he did not approve that proposal.
He charged that the UNLA Officers were lax on discipline and had a fixation with legal niceties including Court-Martial. He then threw a bombshell when he told the meeting that in his army, he had ordered many executions without “colonial legal niceties”. Today, friends of Museveni’s cite cases of Courts-Martial as evidence of proper and legal conduct of the affairs of wayward soldiers. I will show that Museveni’s Courts-Martial are a sham and illegal and that they are essentially summary executions.
Museveni was the Minister of State for Defense in the 1979 post-Amin Government. He was also the Vice-Chairman of the Military Commission of the Uganda National Liberation Front (UNLF) founded at Moshi, Tanzania, in March 1979, in a Conference of some then Ugandan exiles. In both capacities, Museveni wielded considerable powers. Although President Lule, and later President Binaisa assumed the office of the minister of Defense, it was Museveni who ran the Ministry and administered it as he wished. The Military Commission was moribund until it seized power in May 1980. Museveni remained Vice-President of the Commission until the General Elections held in December 1980.
Museveni’s period as Minister of State for Defense was noted on three counts: –
He embarked on a large scale recruitment of a private army outside the Uganda National Liberation Army (UNLA) which was founded at the Moshi Conference. This was without the approval of the Lule/Binaisa Cabinet or of the then Interim-Parliament.
At the fall of Lule, voted out by the National Consultative Council (NCC) of the UNLF, Lule supporters staged peaceful demonstrations in Kampala. Museveni personally led a contingent of troops in indiscriminate shooting of the demonstrators. This was in the third week of June 1979. In July and August of the same year, 15 (fifteen) highly qualified professionals were gunned down in their houses in Kampala. In three known cases, Museveni reached the scenes of crime within minutes of the shootings, allegedly to “console”, mark the word “console”, the widows!
The Ugandan contingent which together fought with the Tanzanian soldiers numbered around 1,300 men. I was their political leader. Museveni entered Western Uganda from Tanzania alone, of course in the company of Tanzanian troops. That was in January 1979. He immediately embarked on the recruitment of Banyarwanda (Tutsi) refugees who were in Refugee Settlements close to Tanzania border. The men were trained and armed by Tanzanian troops. It was, like the NRA, Museveni’s personal army. It was this army which went with Tanzanian troops, to the West Nile Districts (Nebbi, Arua and Moyo) in May 1979. The Tanzanian troops withdrew from the West Nile in September. Museveni visited his army that month. Following the visit, a campaign of massacres, terror and destruction was launched. President Binaisa was pressed by many in the UNLF to remove Museveni from the Ministry of Defense which he did.
During the rule of the Military Commission, there was no Minister of Defense. The Commission as a Collegiate, handled all military matters. Thus Paulo Muwanga, David Oyite-Ojok, Zed Maruru and William Omaria curbed with some difficulties, Museveni’s senseless killings. At the beginning of its rule, the Military Commission, with one dissenting voice – Museveni’s – pledged and committed itself to holding multi-Party General Elections within the period the Moshi Conference had appointed. The period appointed was “within eighteen months after the total liberation of Uganda”. Amin’s forces were defeated and driven out of Uganda on June 3, 1979. It is a credit to the members of the Military Commission (minus Museveni) that they kept the pledge. In meetings of the Commission and of the Interim Parliament, Museveni was vehemently opposed to elections. His pet point was that Uganda was in a revolution and election was not necessary. Museveni even went to Tanzania and Mozambique where he appealed, in vain, to Presidents Nyerere and Samora Machel to stop the elections.
Museveni is very corrupt and presides over a regime which is equally very corrupt. In fact the nature of Museveni’s corruption is some kind of mania. As already stated, he is acutely uncomfortable with his lowly background, a matter which to a normal person would be of pride. But the mania which he exemplified in 1979 by living at the Palaces of former rulers, has now led him to build with public funds, his own Palace in Mbarara District. The Palace was built and completed within three years. Some of the materials for building it were imported as were the furniture, fittings, carpets, etc. The Palace stands on a huge farm with hundreds of exotic cattle imported from abroad. The cattle, farm implements and tractors and vehicles were all bought with public funds. Workers at the farm are paid by the Office of the President and Museveni is, of course, the President.
In Museveni’s regime, public funds are Museveni’s private incomes and he uses public funds and resources as his mania directs him. Whenever he travels abroad he takes with him, as if he fears to return, huge amounts of US dollars in cash. His parents live in a government house in Kampala and all their expenses and requirements are fully met by the State. In addition, the State also pays them monthly subvention. His friends and those he calls “allies” in the regime or those whose mouths must be sealed are free to loot Uganda as they please. Samwiri Karugire, the Commissioner of Customs, and his wife have ten vehicles in Kampala; six for Karugire and four for his wife; Karugire and Museveni have been allies for many years.
Museveni’s friends and protectors will not accept this real, corrupt Museveni. Appendix Three contains Museveni’s own words where he admits corruption but like when he admits massacring Ugandans, his friends and protectors simply ignore the admissions. They also do not find it inconceivable that Museveni has large sums in banks in Europe. One of the conduits through which the peasants’ hard earned dollars is being salted abroad is a Company by the name of ANL TRADING LIMITED, PO Box 4762, Nicosia, Cyprus. ( From paras 32-51 of Notes on Concealment of Genocide in Uganda)

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